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2021/253 - FPI Reborn: Old Wine In A New Bottle?
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2021/256 - PDI-P’s Presidential Nominee Race Will Shape Future Alliances
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2022/027 - Extending Jokowi’s Presidential Term: Dead in the Water?
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2022/040 - What Indonesians Want Most in their President
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2022/084 - Rising Support for Postponing Indonesia’s Elections? What the Data Really Says
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2022/156 - Out of the Frying Pan Into the Fire: Cooking Oil Burns Jokowi’s Popularity
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2022/188 - Indonesia’s Cabinet Reshuffle: Rewarding Loyalty and Consolidating Power
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2022/243 - Indonesia’s 2024 Elections: Party Elite Interest Versus Mass Popularity
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2022/263 - The ‘Sambo Case’: Public Trust in the Indonesian Police at Stake
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2022/331 - NasDem’s Endorsement of Anies Baswedan: Brilliant Gambit or Political Blunder?
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2023/038 - Jokowi’s High Approval Ratings Make Him Potential Kingmaker
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2023/083 - PDI-P’s Own Goal? Controversy over Indonesia’s Loss as U-20 FIFA World Cup Host
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2023/095 - The Prabowo-Gibran pairing: wise or foolish?
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2023/128 - Battle of Indonesia’s Kingmakers: A Rift Between Jokowi and Megawati?
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2023/193 - Ganjar Pranowo’s Running Mate: What’s in PDI-P’s Playbook?
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2023/253 - The President and His Political Party: An Impending Collision
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2024/041 - Indonesia’s Presidential Election: The Limitations of Surveys on Electability
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2024/078 - A Kidney for Your Vote: Money Politics in Indonesia’s 2024 Elections
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2024/104 - Indonesia’s regional elections: electoral competition limited by cartel politics
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2024/140 - Hidden Costs of Academic Dishonesty: The Case of Indonesia
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2024/330 - President Prabowo’s Politics of Accommodation Might Mean a Short Honeymoon
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2025/122 - ‘Dark Indonesia’ and the Anxiety of Indonesian Middle Class

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