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2022/119 - The promise and peril of patronage politics for authoritarian party-building in Thailand
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2022/280 - Thailand’s New Electoral System: More Freedom of Choice, With a Catch
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2022/298 - Merge or Die: How Chart Pattana Kla Reflects a Sea Change in Party Dynamics
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2022/317 - The Threat and Allure of Thai-Style Party Bans
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2023/103 - Thailand’s Lèse-majesté Law: A Subtle Referendum in the Upcoming Elections?
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2023/112 - Pheu Thai’s Landslide in the Northeast: A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy or a Distant Dream?
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2023/121 - The Move Forward Party: Surge in Momentum, But Obstacles Ahead
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2023/129 - Dark Horse Could Win Thai Premiership
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2023/163 - Pita (and the People) Versus the Powers that Be
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2023/222 - Thailand’s Elite Reconfiguration: Old Wine in New Bottles
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2023/294 - A Tale of Two (or More) Prime Ministers
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2024/016 - Democracy Beyond the Ballot Box: Digital Resurgence of Thai Civil Society
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2024/031 - Move Forward Stands at the Brink of Dissolution
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2024/128 - Political Stakes of Pheu Thai’s 10,000 Baht Digital Wallet Initiative
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2024/153 - The Thai Senate: A Crisis of Representation in the Making
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2024/205 - Thailand’s Grand Compromise Tested, or Back to Square One?
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2024/218 - All Roads Lead to Bhumjaithai?
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2024/241 - MFP Dissolution: Inevitable But Not Inconsequential
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2024/360 - How a Provincial Election in Udon Thani Became a National Battleground

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