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2012/009 - US-Myanmar Defence Cooperation : From Disengagement to Limited Engagement
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2013/020 - Japan’s Growing Angst over the South China Sea
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2014/027 - Will Arctic shipping routes eat Singapore’s Lunch? Not anytime soon, and maybe never
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2014/052 - The Sino-Vietnamese Oil Rig Crisis: : Implications for the South China Sea Dispute
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2015/029 - China’s Terraforming in the Spratlys : A Game Changer in the South China Sea?
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2015/067 - What Russia’s "Turn to the East" Means for Southeast Asia
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2016/030 - Addressing the Persistent Problem of Piracy and Sea Robbery in Southeast Asia
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2016/030 - Arbitral Tribunal Award Represents Legal Victory for Philippines, Massive Defeat for China
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2016/043 - Assessing Responses to the Arbitral Tribunal’s Ruling on the South China Sea
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2016/059 - The Russia-China Strategic Alignment : Consequences for Southeast Asian Security
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2016/063 - The Impending Trump Presidency and Southeast Asia
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2017/027 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia: Limited Engagement Thus Far
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2017/030 - US Conducts First FONOP in the South China Sea under Trump
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2017/038 - Ahok’s Downfall and the Rise of Islamist Populism in Indonesia
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2017/039 - Trump and America’s Image a Mixed Bag in Key Southeast Asia Countries
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2017/060 - OBOR’s Digital Connectivity Offers Both Benefits and Risks
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2017/065 - End of Marawi Siege Underscores Critical Importance of US-Philippine Alliance
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2017/070 - Australia Puts Southeast Asia at the Centre of Growing US-China Strategic Rivalry
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2017/087 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : Enhanced Engagement
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2018/003 - Southeast Asia Receives a Mixed Scorecard from International Piracy Watchdog for 2017
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2018/005 - US Navy FONOP at Scarborough Shoal Symptom of Growing Sino-US Competition
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2018/009 - In Response to US FONOP, China Flies Advanced Fighter Jets over the South China Sea
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2018/032 - Cambodia-China Military Drills Highlight Deepening Bilateral Relations
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2018/033 - US Conducts 6th South China Sea FONOP under Trump
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2018/036 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : After the Singapore Summit
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2018/046 - April Sees Heightened Chinese and US Naval Activities in the South China Sea
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2018/048 - Trilateral Security Cooperation in the Sulu-Celebes Seas: A Work in Progress
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2018/057 - Whither Malaysia’s China Policy Under Prime Minister Mahathir?
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2018/067 - Vietnam under Increasing Pressure from China in the South China Sea
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2018/068 - America Pushes Back Against China in the South China Sea
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2018/069 - South China Sea Dominates 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue
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2018/076 - Seven Southeast Asian Countries Fly the Flag at RIMPAC 2018
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2018/077 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : America’s Asia Policy Crystalizes
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2018/088 - China Criticizes Presence of Foreign Warships in South China Sea
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2018/092 - US-China Tensions Spill over into South China Sea
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2018/095 - China Multilateralizes its Defence Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
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2018/099 - Chinese Premier Li Calls for South China Sea Code of Conduct by 2021
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2018/101 - What did Russian President Putin Achieve in Singapore?
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2019/005 - US Navy Conducts First South China Sea FONOP of 2019
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2019/014 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : the Hanoi Summit and US policy in Southeast Asia
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2019/019 - Sino-Philippine and Sino-US Tensions Persist in the South China Sea
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2019/033 - The United Kingdom and Southeast Asia after Brexit
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2019/043 - Thailand's military relations with China : moving from strength to strength
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2019/057 - China’s Ballistic Missile Tests in the South China Sea Stoke Sino-US Tensions
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2019/058 - China’s Raised Threat Level for the Malacca Straits Causes Puzzlement
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2019/074 - ASEAN-US Naval Manoeuvers all About Geopolitical Manoeuvring
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2019/076 - Thailand's perennial Kra Canal project : pros, cons and potential game changers
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2019/084 - Duterte’s Trip to Russia Results in Modest Gains
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2019/088 - As ASEAN and China Discuss a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea, America Looks on Sceptically
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2019/097 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : political disconnect, policy rollout
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2020/015 - Manila’s VFA Termination: A Win for China and Russia
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2020/018 - Malaysia and the South China Sea dispute : policy continuity amid domestic political change
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2020/034 - Images reinforced : COVID-19, US-China rivalry and Southeast Asia
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2020/069 - Will the Covid-19 Crisis Affect Thai China Defence Cooperation?
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2020/074 - Visiting Forces Agreement: Uncle Sam Still Welcome for Another Year
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2020/097 - The South China Sea dispute in 2020-2021
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2020/112 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : half-time or game over?
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2020/114 - Will Covid-19 Trigger a Tsunami of Maritime Crime in Southeast Asia?
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2020/120 - RIMPAC Exercise Set to Sail, Minus The Mai Tais
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2020/132 - India’s Obsession with Thailand’s Kra Canal: Much Ado About Nothing
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2020/143 - The impending Biden Presidency and Southeast Asia
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2020/149 - Will China Establish Military Bases in Southeast Asia?
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2020/158 - The South China Sea, a fault line in China-Russia relations?
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2020/204 - America’s Proposed Reactivation of the 1st Fleet Raises Eyebrows and Questions
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2021/103 - US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin's Southeast Asia tour : assurances and dividends
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2021/117 - The Russia-China strategic partnership and Southeast Asia : alignments and divergences
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2021/130 - Global Britain' and Southeast Asia : progress and prospects
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2021/134 - Southeast Asian responses to AUKUS : arms racing, non-proliferation and regional stability
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2021/150 - China’s Submarine Salvage Operation for Indonesia: A Double-edged Sword?
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2021/168 - After Black Sea Encounter, British FONOP in the South China Sea Quite Possible
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2021/187 - Indonesia’s Defence Procurement Strategy: Diversification but at What Cost?
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2021/207 - Vaccine Diplomacy in Southeast Asia: Russia Squanders its Sputnik Moment
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2021/238 - After 70 Years, It’s Time to Modernise the US-Philippines Alliance
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2021/290 - China and Second Thomas Shoal: For They Say, But Do Not
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2021/294 - The USS Connecticut Incident: Silent Service, Turbulent Clash?
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2021/296 - Russia’s Maritime Exercise With ASEAN: Punching Below Its Weight
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2022/002 - Myanmar’s Submarines: The Race Is on Between China and Russia
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2022/010 - Indonesia’s South China Sea Confab: When Chin-wagging Counts
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2022/011 - The Biden administration and Southeast Asia : one year in review
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2022/039 - Will America Greenlight the Sale of F-35s to Thailand?
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2022/047 - The Russia-Ukraine war and its potential impact on Russia's arms sales to Southeast Asia
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2022/076 - Piracy and the pandemic : maritime crime in Southeast Asia22
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2022/096 - Thailand and the Russia-Ukraine War: Bending or Gone with the Wind?
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2022/154 - The War in Ukraine: Cambodia’s Surprisingly Hard-line Stand
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2022/203 - Jokowi’s “Peace Mission” to Europe: Well-intentioned But Fruitless
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2022/247 - Will the Thai Military Ever Get Its Submarines and Stealth Fighters?
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2022/267 - Myanmar and Russia: Vladivostok Meeting Signals a Tighter Embrace
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2022/296 - When Abstention Speaks Volumes: Thailand’s Turnaround in the UNGA
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2023/023 - The AUKUS announcement and Southeast Asia : an assessment of regional responses and concerns
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2023/040 - A Strategic Reset?: The Philippines-United States Alliance under President Marcos Jr.
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2023/040 - BrahMos Supersonic Missiles: Poised to Buoy New Delhi’s Arms Exports?
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