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2020/096 - Joko’s Fire and Fury: A Chance to Reform the Cabinet?
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2021/113 - Lost in the Shuffle: Research and Innovation in Indonesia
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2021/163 - To Lockdown or Not? Indonesia’s Dilemma in Handling the Covid-19 Second Wave
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2021/269 - Moving the Indonesian Capital: Political Ambition or Realistic Vision?
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2022/062 - Parsing Objections to Moving Indonesia’s Capital
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2022/153 - Jokowi’s Dilemma: To Stay or To Go?
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2022/284 - The #Bjorka Case and Ratification of Indonesia’s PDP Law: Confronting Digitalisation
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2022/358 - The Cianjur Earthquake Reveals the Inadequacy of Disaster Resilience in Indonesia
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2023/075 - What can we expect of Indonesia’s PDP law?
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2023/168 - Jokowi’s (Worst) Reshuffle: A Loss for the Country But Does He Gain?
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2023/241 - Preventing Indonesia’s “Digitalised” Democracy from Backsliding
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2024/023 - Policy Possibilities after Indonesia’s Presidential Election 2024
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2024/049 - Indonesia Pragmatically Picks a Prabowo Presidency But the Dust Has Not Settled
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2024/083 - An Urgent Need for Post-Election Civil Society Consolidation in Indonesia
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2024/140 - Hidden Costs of Academic Dishonesty: The Case of Indonesia
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2024/238 - Indonesia’s National Data Centre Ransomware Attack: A Digital Governance Failure?
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2024/314 - Anticipating the Prabowo Administration’s First Moves
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2024/342 - Prabowo Subianto’s Problematic Start: A Missed Opportunity?
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2025/040 - Indonesia’s energy sector reforms under Prabowo: moving backwards?

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