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2022/002 - Malaysia on the cusp of a new political order
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2022/004 - Vietnam's labour reforms : drivers and implications
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2022/005 - Tackling the challenges of financial inclusion and illegal lending in Indonesia
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2022/006 - Adjusting towards a digital economy : the critical role of labour mobility
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2022/007 - How have two years of pandemic affected Indonesian political life?
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2022/008 - Myanmar's National Unity Government : a radical arrangement to counteract the coup
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2022/009 - Climate finance in Southeast Asia : trends and opportunities
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2022/010 - Uncertainty grows as anxiety intensifies among Thailand's political parties
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2022/011 - The Biden administration and Southeast Asia : one year in review
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2022/012 - France's third path for the Indo-Pacific? : Credentials and challenges
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2022/013 - A roadmap for consolidating Jokowi's legacy
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2022/014 - Rising risks from cross-ownership between real estate developers and banks in Vietnam
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2022/015 - Examining climate-conflict links in Southeast Asia
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2022/016 - The Philippines' China policy and the 2022 elections : time for a rethink
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2022/017 - Southeast Asia holds mixed perceptions of the Biden administration
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2022/018 - Political instability and enhanced monarchy in Malaysia
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2022/019 - The intractable challenges facing energy trade in Southeast Asia
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2022/020 - Agriculture in a state of woe following Myanmar's 2021 military coup
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2022/022 - China and Chinese overseas : a softer soft policy needed
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2022/023 - The Johor state election : a spiderweb of spats, splits and surprises
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2022/025 - How to solve the South China Sea disputes
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2022/026 - Malaysia's floods of December 2021 : can future disasters be avoided?
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2022/027 - Thai PM must act sooner to defend his fragile premiership
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2022/029 - The race to produce Covid-19 vaccines in Southeast Asia
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2022/031 - Greenwashing : a market distortion needing serious attention in Southeast Asia
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2022/032 - Enabling domestic data flows for e-commerce in ASEAN countries
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2022/033 - Stronger social media influence in the 2022 Philippine elections
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2022/034 - Labelling fake news : the politics of regulating disinformation in Thailand
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2022/035 - Can OTOP support Northeastern Thailand's post-pandemic recovery?
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2022/036 - Cambodia-Vietnam relations : key issues and the way forward
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2022/037 - Migration in post-coup Myanmar : a critical determinant in shaping the country's future?
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2022/038 - What's next for ASEAN-UK dialogue relations?
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2022/039 - Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow : should Southeast Asia worry?
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2022/040 - Cambodia's post-pandemic recovery and future growth: key challenges
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2022/042 - Cambodian perception of the new Chinese
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2022/044 - The Russia-Ukraine war: unpacking online pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam
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2022/046 - Vietnam's peacekeeping contributions: drivers and prospects
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2022/047 - The Russia-Ukraine war and its potential impact on Russia's arms sales to Southeast Asia
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2022/049 - Asia's regional security architecture: an Australian perspective
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2022/050 - Why Vietnam might want to reconsider its Russia policy
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2022/051 - Malaysia's Bumiputera Development Action 2030: maintaining focus, moderating ambition
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2022/052 - Investment trends and industrial prospects in Indonesia
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2022/053 - Uncertainties in Malaysia's economic recovery
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2022/055 - It takes two to tango: Vietnam-US relations in the new context
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2022/058 - The G20: the last defence of multilateralism?
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2022/059 - Foreign policy & disinformation narratives in the 2022 Philippine election campaign
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2022/060 - The endangered Malaysian artisanal fisherman: battered by climate change and Covid-19
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2022/061 - Weaponizing Ho Chi Minh in Vietnamese discourse on the war in Ukraine
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2022/062 - The Shi'as and freedom of religion under Joko Widodo's presidency
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2022/064 - Nahdlatul Ulama's Muktamar 2021 and its implications: some field observations
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2022/065 - The international community needs to prepare for a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar
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2022/066 - Situating the role schools have played in the Mindanao conflict
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2022/067 - Better safeguards needed for trusted data use in ASEAN countries
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2022/069 - The Nusantara project: prospects and challenges
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2022/070 - Thai PM needs to show his cards if he survives the upcoming no-confidence fight
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2022/071 - The Arakan dream in post-coup Myanmar
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2022/072 - Digital Transformation under Indonesia’s G20 Presidency: What can it Deliver?
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2022/074 - What do the official Chinese media's mixed messages on the Myanmar coup mean?
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2022/075 - Did China eke out a vaccine diplomacy victory in Southeast Asia?
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2022/076 - Piracy and the pandemic : maritime crime in Southeast Asia22
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2022/077 - The media landscape in Indonesia : the more things change, the more they stay the same
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2022/079 - How the party-state retains controls over Vietnam's blossoming media landscape
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2022/080 - The complicated role of Kerohanian Islam (Rohis) alumni in disseminating Islam in Indonesia
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2022/081 - The roots of Cambodia's actions against illegal Vietnamese immigrants
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2022/082 - New battle lines appear in the wake of Malaysia's historic enfranchisement bill
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2022/083 - Thailand approaches an historic turning point amid political uncertainties
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2022/086 - The state of Southeast Asia's green recovery post Covid-19
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2022/087 - Can ASEAN and India share a common outlook and approach in the Indo-Pacific?
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2022/088 - Chinese debt traps in Southeast Asia : what the data say
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2022/090 - Tell China's story well : Chinese embassies' media outreach in Southeast Asian media
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2022/092 - Business throws its support behind Indonesia's opposition-free liberal democracy
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2022/093 - Climate emergency and food-energy conflicts in Southeast Asia
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2022/094 - Xin Yimin in Malaysia : trends and implications
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2022/095 - Dissecting Thailand's 2022 military and police reshuffles : palace proactivity?
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2022/096 - Islamisation in Malaysia beyond UMNO and PAS
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2022/097 - Thailand has no shortage of aspirants to succeed Prime Minister Prayut
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2022/098 - The U.S. coast guard in the South China Sea : a Vietnamese perspective
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2022/099 - How recipient countries in Southeast Asia manage 'Belt and Road' Initiative projects
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2022/100 - Can an International State University of Confucianism be established in Indonesia?
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