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2022/001 - The President Versus the Cleric: Managing Conservatives From Within
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2022/002 - Myanmar’s Submarines: The Race Is on Between China and Russia
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2022/003 - Myanmar’s National Unity Consultative Council: A Vision of Myanmar’s Federal Future
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2022/004 - Whatever Happened to the Middle Way?
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2022/005 - Paperless Trade in ASEAN: A Long Way To Go
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2022/006 - Vietnam’s High Vaccination Rates: So What?
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2022/007 - Cambodia and Myanmar: The Need to Balance Pressure and Diplomacy
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2022/008 - Hun Sen’s Cowboy Diplomacy: Quick Draw or Firing Blanks?
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2022/009 - Hun Sen’s Visit to Myanmar: A Cambodian View
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2022/010 - Indonesia’s South China Sea Confab: When Chin-wagging Counts
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2022/011 - Cryptos: Un-Tethering from the Military Junta
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2022/012 - Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar: A Perspective from Myanmar
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2022/013 - Thailand and the Crisis in Myanmar: Playing a Peacemaker Role
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2022/014 - Malaysia’s Employees Provident Fund: An Emergency Populist Fund?
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2022/015 - The New Nahdlatul Ulama (NU): ‘Islamic Party No; Islamic Politicians Yes?’
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2022/016 - Vietnam’s New Graft Scandal Sets Back Anti-Corruption Drive
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2022/017 - Presidential Polls and the West Philippine Sea: A Sea Change?
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2022/018 - Historical Continuity in Myanmar’s Second Struggle for Independence
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2022/019 - Seeing Red over Rising Prices for Greens
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2022/020 - Myanmar’s Post-coup Aid Crisis: Whither Civilian Protection?
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2022/021 - Elections in Johor: Needlessly Nigh?
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2022/022 - Ratsadornprasong Fund: New Front for People’s Struggles Against the Establishment
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2022/023 - Myanmar’s State Administration Council: A Shell Entity?
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2022/024 - Myanmar’s New Political Economy Takes Shape
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2022/025 - Tourism in ASEAN: The Need to Turn Dreams Into Reality
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2022/026 - Malaysia’s Ratification of the RCEP: Necessary but not Sufficient
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2022/027 - Extending Jokowi’s Presidential Term: Dead in the Water?
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2022/028 - Is Kishida’s ‘New Capitalism’ Japan’s New Political-Economic Doctrine?
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2022/029 - Indonesia-Singapore Defence Cooperation Agreement: A Win Win
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2022/030 - China’s Faith Diplomacy Towards Muslim Bodies in Indonesia: Bearing Fruit
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2022/031 - A Regional Digital Vaccine Certificate in ASEAN, Posthaste
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2022/032 - Parsing the UMNO-Bersatu Battle in Johor
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2022/033 - Will Green Parties Rise in Southeast Asia?
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2022/034 - Facing the Music with Methane
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2022/035 - Myanmar’s Dry Zone: The History of a Tinderbox
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2022/036 - ‘We Apologise, But We Don’t Regret’: Thailand’s Frazzled Conservatives
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2022/037 - Chinese Students in Thailand: Cash Cow, At a Cost
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2022/038 - 30 Years of ASEAN-India Relations: Taking Stock
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2022/039 - Will America Greenlight the Sale of F-35s to Thailand?
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2022/040 - What Indonesians Want Most in their President
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2022/041 - Fall of Singapore 80 Years On: Lessons Transcend Time and Place
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2022/042 - Philippines Presidential Polls: Economic Recovery at Stake
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2022/043 - Harnessing RCEP to Harvest ASEAN’s Unicorns
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2022/044 - 2022 State of Southeast Asia Survey: Diverse Perspectives and Hard Realities
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2022/045 - Myanmar Crisis: A Humanitarian Stalemate or Fresh Opportunities?
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2022/046 - Hope Deferred Makes Southeast Asia’s Heart Sick
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2022/047 - In Southeast Asia, Regulatory Overreach No Silver Bullet to Internet Woes
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2022/048 - China Should Build Trust Where it Matters
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2022/049 - The CLMV Countries and RCEP: Will They Grasp the Opportunities?
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2022/050 - Polite Wolves: China’s Soft Twitter Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
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2022/051 - Thammanat versus Phalang Pracharat: Who Will Win?
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2022/052 - Thailand’s Vision to Become A Rail Hub: A Long Shot
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2022/053 - Southeast Asians’ View of Quad and AUKUS: Some Thaw, But Not Yet Warm
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2022/054 - Digital Surveillance in Thailand: When Pegasus Takes Flight
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2022/056 - Indonesia’s ‘New’ Security Approach in Papua is Fraught with Risks
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2022/057 - Chinese Membership in the CPTPP: Greater Benefits Than Downside Risks
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2022/058 - How the Arakan Army Can Capitalise on the Coup
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2022/059 - The State of Southeast Asia Survey: An Outlet for Myanmar Aspirations
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2022/060 - Is an Opposition Alliance Still Possible in the 2022 Philippine Presidential Elections?
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2022/061 - Is ASEAN a Toothless Tiger in the Face of Ukraine Crisis?
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2022/062 - Parsing Objections to Moving Indonesia’s Capital
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2022/063 - Russian Invasion of Ukraine Poses Geopolitical Quandaries for Vietnam
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2022/064 - From Remote Paradise to Levelled Villages: The Sit-Tat Assault on the ‘Yaw Valley’
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2022/065 - ‘Stand, Stop, Imprison’: People’s Defiance against the Thai Establishment
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2022/066 - Threat to Amnesty International Reflects Climate of Repression in Thailand
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2022/067 - Putting a Floor Under Asia’s Sinking Cities
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2022/068 - Advancing U.S. Security Commitments to Southeast Asia Under Biden
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2022/069 - Timor-Leste’s Presidential Elections: A Quiet or Rowdy Neighbour for Indonesia?
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2022/070 - Malaysia’s Recent Floods Must Spur Bold and Decisive Action
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2022/071 - Japan’s Standing in Southeast Asia: Down But Not Out
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2022/072 - Parti Warisan in Johor: Making Waves or Merely a Ripple?
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2022/073 - Malaysia’s Focus on When to Raise Minimum Wage Must Not Forget Why
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2022/074 - Johor Polls: Old Boys Singin’ the Same Old Tunes
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2022/075 - School Closures and Child Labour: The Pandemic’s Social Cost
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2022/076 - Cambodia’s Education System: Looking Back to Move Forward
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2022/077 - Tourism in Southeast Asia: Building Forward Better
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2022/078 - Win Over Renewable Naysayers in Indonesia
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2022/079 - The Russia-Ukraine War: Parallels and Lessons for Vietnam
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2022/080 - Reforming the Philippine Electoral Commission
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2022/081 - Decoding Phuket Province’s Demand for Autonomy
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2022/082 - Vietnam Netizens Reactions at Odds with Vietnam’s Stance on Ukraine
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2022/083 - Pakatan Harapan in Johor: Fading Fan Favourites
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2022/084 - Rising Support for Postponing Indonesia’s Elections? What the Data Really Says
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2022/085 - Reaping the Benefits of RCEP: From Utilisation to Exports
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2022/086 - Community-led Social Cohesion in Post-Coup Myanmar: A Promising Glimmer
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2022/087 - Slashing Methane Emissions: A Tricky Business
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2022/088 - Separatists, Conflict and Refugees: Geopolitics Along Thailand and India’s Myanmar Border
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2022/089 - Another Win for Barisan Nasional: Now To Prove Their Worth
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2022/090 - Bangkok’s New Chinatown: Waiting for Another Ka-Ching
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2022/091 - Targeting the Tourism Dollar from ASEAN
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2022/092 - UMNO Assembly Puts Prime Minister’s Back to the Wall
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2022/093 - Myanmar Returns to Import Substitution: Primed to Fail
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2022/094 - Nahdlatul Ulama ‘Going Global’: Charity Should Begin at Home
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2022/095 - Resetting the Throw-Away Lifestyle
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2022/096 - Thailand and the Russia-Ukraine War: Bending or Gone with the Wind?
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2022/098 - ASEAN Special Envoy in Myanmar: Too Little, Too Late?
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2022/099 - Despite Proscription, HTI’s Ideological Activism Continues
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2022/100 - The Belt and Road Initiative and the Philippines’ Post-Duterte China Challenge
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