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2023/004 - What to expect from the Vietnam-South Korea comprehensive strategic partnership
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2023/005 - Indonesia's 'social opposition' remains weak but hopeful
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2023/006 - Going beyond religious explanations for Indonesia's natural disasters
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2023/007 - The era of coalitions: the shifting nature of alignments in Asia
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2023/008 - Lessons to learn from the North Morowali smelter riot
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2023/009 - Why is China's global development initiative well received in Southeast Asia?
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2023/011 - Why is China's global security initiative cautiously perceived in Southeast Asia?
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2023/013 - Impact of GE 15 in Sarawak : preliminary observations and a look ahead
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2023/014 - An end to the three generals era and a new beginning for Thai democracy
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2023/015 - Towards more sustainable agro-food systems in Indonesia
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2023/016 - Minilateral cooperation in ASEAN may help it overcome challenges in multilateralism
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2023/017 - What to expect from Indonesia's ASEAN chairmanship 2023
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2023/018 - Forging Anwar's cabinet : fervent followers, forbidden friends, and former foes
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2023/019 - Financing the green economy: options for Indonesia
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2023/022 - Strong party-to-party relations cement Cambodia-China bilateral ties
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2023/023 - The AUKUS announcement and Southeast Asia : an assessment of regional responses and concerns
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2023/025 - Vietnam's social insurance dilemma and workers' precarious conditions
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2023/026 - Prospects and weaknesses of the R20 forum on religion launched at the G20 summit in Bali
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2023/027 - Key economic challenges ahead of Indonesia's presidential election in 2024
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2023/028 - Japan's role in regional security : recalibration and regional reactions
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2023/029 - Agrivoltaic systems and just energy-agriculture transition in Southeast Asia
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2023/031 - Keeping Southeast Asia Afloat: Restorative Aquaculture Key to its Food Resilience
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2023/032 - Expressions of Religiosity on Social Media among Muslim Youths in Brunei
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2023/034 - Diversity in Malaysia’s Civil Service: From Venting Old Grouses to Seeking New Grounds
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2023/035 - Myanmar’s “Sham” Election Threatens the 2025 Goals of the Arakan Rebels
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2023/036 - Why Malaysia’s Unity Government Will (Probably) Survive
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2023/037 - Is the US a Serious Competitor to China in the Lower Mekong?
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2023/038 - Jokowi’s High Approval Ratings Make Him Potential Kingmaker
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2023/039 - Perak and Islamic Education: PAS’ Gateway to the West Coast
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2023/040 - A Strategic Reset?: The Philippines-United States Alliance under President Marcos Jr.
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2023/041 - Vietnam’s Anti-corruption Campaign: Economic and Political Impacts
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2023/042 - Southeast Asian Views on the United States: Perceptions Versus Objective Reality
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2023/043 - Move Forward Party Has Won the Election, but May Lose the Premiership Race
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2023/044 - The Power of Fantasy: Southeast Asians Develop an Obsession with Chinese Xianxia Dramas
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2023/045 - Why China Supports the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone
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2023/046 - Cambodia-China Free Trade Agreement: A Cambodian Perspective
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2023/047 - What drives Vietnam’s tightened public sphere?
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2023/048 - Current key drivers of ASEAN integration: digital skills and mobilities
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2023/050 - Why Perikatan Nasional may win in Selangor
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2023/051 - What has China’s lawfare achieved in the South China Sea?
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2023/052 - Malaysia’s 2023 state elections (part 1): projections and scenarios
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2023/053 - Rice production and food security in Southeast Asia under threat from El Niño
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2023/054 - Singapore – Malaysia economic ties: recovering from COVID-19
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2023/055 - Changing perceptions in Laos toward China
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2023/057 - Indonesia’s appointed leaders and the future of regional elections
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2023/061 - Malaysia’s 2023 elections: a coming clash of coalitions in Selangor
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2023/062 - Vietnam’s JETP agreement: accelerating the energy transition in a just way?
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2023/063 - The Quad: less than the sum of its parts?
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2023/064 - What can Malaysia expect from IPEF?
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2023/065 - ASEAN’s new dilemma: managing the artificial intelligence space
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2023/066 - Malaysia’s 2023 state elections (part 2): campaign strategies and future implications
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2023/067 - Polarisations in Indonesia: distinguishing the real from the rhetorical
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2023/068 - Southeast Asia’s stakes in pricing carbon
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2023/069 - Vietnamese perceptions in a changing Sino-US relationship
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2023/071 - Review of foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to Southeast Asia in August 2023
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2023/072 - Responses to humanitarian needs in Western Myanmar after cyclone Mocha
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2023/073 - Vote-buying and Islamic politics in Thailand's deep south
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2023/074 - Are the National Unity Government’s responsible investment policies fit for purpose?
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2023/075 - What can we expect of Indonesia’s PDP law?
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2023/076 - Maintaining ASEAN’s leverage in a volatile trade policy landscape
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2023/077 - New Thai PM faces a crisis of confidence
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2023/079 - Selangor’s 2023 state election: Pakatan-BN’s defense, Perikatan’s breakthrough
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2023/082 - Vietnam seeks intimate ties with Cambodia and Laos
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2023/084 - Political polarisation marked Malaysia's recent state elections
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2023/085 - Abdul Hadi Awang enhances his power as PAS president and drives the party to the far-right
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2023/086 - The dilemma of political involvement among Muslim theologians in Indonesia
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2023/087 - Continuity and change: the limits of Malaysia's green wave from a four arenas perspective
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2023/088 - How far will PAS deviate from the Ulama leadership model, and why does it matter?
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2023/089 - From political Islam to Islamic lifestyles: the changing public face of Islam in Indonesia
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2023/090 - Negeri Sembilan emerges as PH-BN’s steadiest stronghold
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2023/091 - The challenge of “halal lifestyle” and occupational preferences in Indonesia
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2023/092 - Myanmar-Russia relations since the coup: an ever tighter embrace
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2023/094 - UMNO’s prospects: oblivion, survival or recovery
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2023/095 - The Prabowo-Gibran pairing: wise or foolish?
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2023/096 - Vietnam’s quest for enhanced maritime domain awareness
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2023/097 - Malaysia’s return to mining: redeveloping rare earth elements (REE)
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