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2023/001 - Vietnam’s First Provincial Labour Arbitration Council: A Solid First Step
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2023/002 - Indonesians Call for Climate Action but Everyone Must Pull Their Weight
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2023/003 - Indonesia’s New Penal Code: A Setback for Indonesian Democracy
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2023/004 - Vietnam’s High GDP Growth Rate Masks Its Economic Difficulties
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2023/005 - Long-Delayed Thailand-China High-Speed Train: A Political Game on Two Tracks
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2023/006 - Malaysia’s security law reform must regain momentum
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2023/007 - Thai PM’s New Move Raises More Questions Than Answers
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2023/008 - Strengthening Links in ASEAN’s Global Value Chains Post-Pandemic
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2023/009 - Malaysia Cuts ECRL Costs, but Can the Mega Railway Project Pay?
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2023/010 - Will South Korea’s Indo-Pacific Strategy Make a Difference?
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2023/011 - When a State-Led Union Can Make a Difference
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2023/012 - Vietnam’s Relations with the United States: Time For an Upgrade
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2023/014 - Japan’s Responses to Chinese Grey-Zone Tactics: Giving Southeast Asia A Leg-up
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2023/015 - “Red Card” for the President? Vietnam’s Biggest Political Drama in Decades
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2023/017 - “Undercover” Ministers in Malaysia
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2023/018 - Indonesia as ASEAN Chair: Great Expectations for Southeast Asia’s Middle Power
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2023/019 - Avoiding Divots in the U.S. Pivot to Asia
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2023/020 - The Significance of the Vietnam-Indonesia Exclusive Economic Zone Demarcation
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2023/021 - South China Sea in 2022: Deadlock or Not, Disputant States Press Advantages
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2023/022 - Malaysia’s ‘Green Wave’ Was a Long Time Coming
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2023/023 - Locating Working Class Women in Indonesia’s Halal Economy
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2023/024 - Using Climate Models to Predict Resilience of Energy Systems in Southeast Asia
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2023/025 - Beijing’s Engagement With Myanmar In 2023: Walking A Tight Rope?
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2023/026 - Southeast Asia Needs a Strong Vision on Climate-Resilient Economy
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2023/027 - Digital Labour Platforms Must Provide Philippine Gig Workers a Fair Deal
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2023/028 - Online Political Campaigning During Malaysia’s GE15: Blurred Lines
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2023/029 - PAS and the Midterm Polls: Existential Challenge of Becoming a National Party
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2023/030 - Trendy Indonesian Habib Rides the Waves Online
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2023/031 - Why Did the Mayor of Medan Make Anti-LGBT Statements?
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2023/032 - State of Southeast Asia Survey 2023: It Takes Three to Tango
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2023/033 - Towards Resilient Agricultural Value Chains in the Mekong
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2023/034 - Resistance Forces in Myanmar: Changing the State of Play with Weaponised Drones
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2023/037 - Will the New Financial Omnibus Law Compromise Bank Indonesia’s Independence?
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2023/038 - The 212 Movement: Lying Low But Up Against the Jokowi Administration
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2023/039 - India and Multi-Alignment: Having One’s Cake and Eating It Too
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2023/040 - BrahMos Supersonic Missiles: Poised to Buoy New Delhi’s Arms Exports?
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2023/041 - Indonesia Takes the Lead on Myanmar: The Clock is Ticking
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2023/042 - Fragmented Digital Regulations are Constraining ASEAN’s Digital Economy
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2023/043 - Rebuilding Social Cohesion for Myanmar’s Post-Conflict Future
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2023/044 - Southeast Asian Economies: Out of the Storm, Clouds on the Horizon
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2023/046 - Southeast Asians Mull Over a Taiwan Conflict: Big Concerns But Limited Choices
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2023/047 - Tools for Planning and Mapping a Food-Secure Malaysia
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2023/049 - ASEAN’s Agricultural Climate Resilience: Is Strengthening Domestic Production Enough?
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2023/050 - Nguyen Phu Trong’s Dominance in Vietnamese politics: Far-reaching Implications
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2023/051 - Is ASEAN Centrality on Life Support?
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2023/052 - Vietnam’s Accelerated Power Transition: Glad Tidings for Investors and Foreign Partners
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2023/053 - How Would Rakhine Figure in Myanmar’s “Sham” Elections?
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2023/054 - Ganjar Pranowo’s 2024 Presidential Candidacy: Trapped in the Middle
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2023/055 - Perils and Promise Beneath Global Enthusiasm for Thai Baht
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2023/056 - Sarawak’s Hydrogen Ambitions Constrained by Global Demand
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2023/057 - Malaysia’s Sulu Problem: Logical Flaws in the Arbitration Process
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2023/058 - Japan’s Counter-Strike Capabilities: Southeast Asians Should be Circumspect
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2023/059 - Anwar’s First 100 Days: Passing Grade but Stern Tests Ahead
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2023/060 - 2023 Budget Speech: Act One of Anwar Ibrahim’s Reform of Malaysia?
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2023/061 - Indonesia Shepherding an ASEAN Digital Community
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2023/062 - Posting for Profit: Social Media Influencers in Philippine Politics
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2023/063 - Environmental Rights as Human Rights in ASEAN: Why Not?
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2023/064 - Anwar’s Uneasy Truce with Malaysia’s Powerful Civil Service
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2023/065 - Chinese Investment into Thai Private Universities: The Need to Keep Standards Up
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2023/066 - Can Cambodia’s Future Foreign Policy Diverge from China?
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2023/067 - Thai General and Premier Learns the Ropes as a Full-fledged Politician
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2023/068 - The ‘High Seas Treaty’: Six Things Worth Knowing
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2023/069 - An Ageing Vietnam Struggles for a Reliable Social Insurance System
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2023/070 - You Can’t Put the Genie Back in the Bottle: Marcos Jr.’s Defence Cooperation Policy
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2023/071 - Partnering with ASEAN to Promote Peace in Myanmar
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2023/073 - China’s Brokering of Iran-Saudi Rapprochement Signals Global Security Initiative Is Working
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2023/074 - Repurposing Fuel Subsidy to Facilitate Malaysia’s Shift to Electric Vehicles
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2023/075 - UMNO’s Zahid – A Formidable Yet Flawed Political Operator
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2023/076 - Anwar Ibrahim’s Visit to Saudi Arabia: Is His Foot in the Door?
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2023/077 - Unsportsmanlike Behaviour: Protests in Indonesia Against Israeli U-20 Footballers
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2023/079 - Why is the U.S.-Thai Alliance Treading Water?
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2023/080 - Marcos Jr. and the Dangers of Virtual Hypermasculinity
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2023/081 - Malls and Mosques: The Sights and Sounds of Indonesia’s Iftar
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2023/083 - PDI-P’s Own Goal? Controversy over Indonesia’s Loss as U-20 FIFA World Cup Host
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2023/084 - The Curious Case of Cagayan: Localisation of U.S.-China Rivalry in the Philippines
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2023/085 - Indonesia 2024: Coalition Manoeuvres Heading for A Single Presidential Candidate?
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2023/086 - If At First You Don’t Succeed: Australia Woos the Indo-Pacific on AUKUS
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2023/087 - Can Piety be Classy? Symbols and Societal Tensions Underlying “Branded” Hijabs
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2023/089 - Anwar’s Coalition Government: Navigating Tricky Undercurrents
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2023/090 - National Mandate Party (PAN)’s Tough Choice for 2024
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2023/091 - Anies Baswedan and the Elusive Endorsement of Nahdlatul Ulama
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2023/092 - Why ASEAN Appreciates Japan’s Nuanced Approach to Regional Order
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2023/093 - Fertiliser Security for Food Security in Southeast Asia: Going Local and Circular
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2023/094 - From Duterte’s “Pivot to China” to Marcos Jr.’s “Rebalance to the U.S.”?
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2023/095 - Thailand’s Right-Wing Parties: Keeping Democracy Close But Its Enemies Closer
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2023/096 - Making Sense of Cambodia’s Reaction to AUKUS
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2023/097 - Same Moon, Different Dates for Hari Raya (Again!)
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2023/098 - Why China is Vexed About the U.S.-Philippine EDCA
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2023/099 - Indonesia’s Potential Presidential Candidates and Two Superpowers
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2023/100 - U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Ready for a Strategic Partnership Upgrade?
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