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2024/002 - The Unexpected Twist in Vietnam’s Renewable Energy Saga
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2024/003 - China’s “Community of Shared Future” with Southeast Asia: Behind the Numbers
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2024/004 - Zulkifli Hasan as Malaysia’s New Deputy Religious Affairs Minister: An Analysis
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2024/005 - Seeing the National in Gaming and Esports in Southeast Asia
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2024/006 - Malaysia’s  “Dubai Move”: Nothing to See Here, For Now
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2024/007 - ASEAN Economies in the Tech Supply Chain Sweet Spot?
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2024/008 - Will the “China Factor” Become an Election Issue in Indonesia?
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2024/009 - Malaysia and ASEAN in 2024: Facing Challenges with Focus and Strength
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2024/010 - Cultivating the Future: Empowering Young Farmers in Southeast Asia
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2024/012 - Making the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone Work
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2024/013 - Yok’s case and Thailand’s Treatment of Child Activists
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2024/014 - The Kra Land Bridge: Thailand’s White Elephant Comes Charging Back
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2024/015 - Indonesia Votes 2024: Personality Versus Policy in the Presidential Election
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2024/016 - Democracy Beyond the Ballot Box: Digital Resurgence of Thai Civil Society
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2024/017 - Mahathir’s Broadside About Race: Time to Map Out a Coherent Vision
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2024/018 - The Myanmar Junta’s Unhappy New Year
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2024/019 - “Feigning Death to Catch Crows”? Vietnam’s Succession Conundrum
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2024/020 - Dubai Move Failed to Understand GPS
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2024/021 - Takeaways from Anwar’s December Cabinet Reshuffle
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2024/022 - Bumiputera Economic Congress 2024: Seven Suggestions for the Seventh Convention
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2024/023 - Policy Possibilities after Indonesia’s Presidential Election 2024
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2024/025 - An Election to End All Elections?
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2024/026 - A Political Settlement in Thailand’s Deep South: Three Steps Forward, Two Steps Back
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2024/027 - What is Laos’ Game Plan for the Myanmar crisis?
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2024/028 - Indonesian Voters’ Preferences in 2024: Less Determined, More Diverse
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2024/029 - Marcos’s Visit to Vietnam: When Manila’s Pivot Meets Hanoi’s Pragmatism
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2024/030 - Will Better-Informed Indonesian Youth Vote for Dynastic Politicians?
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2024/031 - Move Forward Stands at the Brink of Dissolution
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2024/032 - Will Vietnam Turn to Russia or America for Its New Jet Fighter?
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2024/033 - Najib Razak’s Partial Pardon: Cui Bono?
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2024/035 - COP28: Enhanced Food Security in Southeast Asia?
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2024/036 - The Evil, Stupid and Arrogant in Malaysian Politics: Who is Jadong?
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2024/037 - India and China’s Volatile New Status Quo
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2024/038 - PAS’ Efforts to Attract Non-Muslims: An Exercise in Futility?
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2024/039 - Can Prabowo-Gibran Win Outright Against a Ganjar-Anies Alliance?
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2024/040 - Questioning the Neutrality of Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia’s 2024 Election
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2024/041 - Indonesia’s Presidential Election: The Limitations of Surveys on Electability
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2024/042 - Thai Constitutional Court Decision on Move Forward is Judicial Overreach
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2024/043 - Will the PSI Enter Indonesia’s National Parliament After the 2024 Elections?
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2024/044 - Indonesia’s Presidential Election and Palestinian Issues
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2024/046 - Japan’s Arms Transfers to Southeast Asia: Upping the Ante?
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2024/047 - The Return of Melaka Gateway: Scaled-down Ambitions
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2024/048 - Inclusivity or Division? The Unintended Consequences of Non-Segregated Gyms
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2024/049 - Indonesia Pragmatically Picks a Prabowo Presidency But the Dust Has Not Settled
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2024/050 - New Battlefront Emerging in Western Myanmar
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2024/051 - Why Ganjar-Mahfud Were Beaten on Their Own Turf But PDI-P Survived
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2024/052 - China’s “Two Mountains” Framework: Varied Responses from Southeast Asia
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2024/053 - Sharia versus Shariatisation in Malaysia: Which One Will Triumph?
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2024/054 - The ASEAN Power Grid: How the LTMS-PIP Can Inform the BIMP-PIP’s Development
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2024/055 - Thailand’s Marijuana Politics: Down from a High?
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2024/057 - Thai University Students’ Civic Engagement on Campuses
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2024/060 - Cambodia and Japan: Firm Friends Amid Great Power Rivalry
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2024/061 - Liu Jianchao: New Foreign Minister, Same Foreign Policy?
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2024/062 - Assessing Indonesia’s Post-Election Economic Policy Direction
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2024/063 - Vietnam’s Labour Export: Economic Boon or Developmental Bane?
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2024/066 - Who Is Really in Charge In Thailand?
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2024/067 - Australia-ASEAN at 50: Mateship for Peace and Stability
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2024/068 - Malaysia’s Public Service Pensions: Will to Reform, Without A Roadmap
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2024/069 - Anwar’s Year at the Helm: Economic Leadership in Turbulent Times
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2024/070 - Why XanhSM Might Dethrone Grab in Vietnam
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2024/071 - The “Jokowi Factor”: How Joko Widodo Helped Prabowo to Win Indonesia’s Presidency
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2024/072 - Yusfarizal Yussoff’s “Deplorable Mention”: A Man to Watch
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2024/073 - Jakarta in Indonesia’s 2024 Election: Going Against the Electoral Grain
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2024/074 - Strengthening Australia-ASEAN Cooperation in Maritime Cybersecurity
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2024/075 - Introducing Gus Miftah: A Celebrity Cleric Consolidating Prabowo-Gibran’s Victory
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2024/076 - ASEAN-Australia Relations: Working Out Hard Issues for Regional Stability
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2024/077 - Energy and Agrarian Justice in Southeast Asia’s Green Transition
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2024/078 - A Kidney for Your Vote: Money Politics in Indonesia’s 2024 Elections
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2024/079 - Turmoils and Triumphs: The Political Tapestry of Taib Mahmud’s Reign
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2024/083 - An Urgent Need for Post-Election Civil Society Consolidation in Indonesia
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2024/084 - Two Presidents Ousted in One Year: What Lies Ahead for Vietnam’s Political Outlook?
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2024/085 - The Philippines-Australia Strategic Partnership in an Era of Geopolitical Realignment
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2024/086 - The East Coast Rail Link (ECRL)’s Green Proposition: A Hard Chug
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2024/087 - Southeast Asia’s Soldiers of Fortune in the Russia-Ukraine War
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2024/088 - Conscription in Myanmar Pushing Young Men to Choose Sides
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2024/089 - Vietnam’s High-Potential Energy Transition Needs Clear Policy And Clean Government
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2024/090 - Vietnam’s Social Listening Programme: Big Brother Looming Over Ho Chi Minh City?
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2024/091 - Malaysia’s Sock Scandal: The Sound of Silence
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2024/093 - Choosing China over the U.S.: Neither a Tidal Shift Nor a Sea Change
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2024/094 - Will the Confucian Religion Develop Further in Indonesia?
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2024/095 - Navigating China’s Influence: Insights from the State of Southeast Asia 2024 Survey
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2024/097 - Thailand’s Persevering Police Problem
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