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2023/079 - Selangor’s 2023 state election: Pakatan-BN’s defense, Perikatan’s breakthrough
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2023/199 - Anwar’s Sidestepping Ethnic Policies: Not a Way to Gain Ground
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2023/184 - A Material Election: Will Malaysians Vote with Their Wallets?
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2023/177 - Will UMNO’s Mutant Electoral Map Bite Pakatan Harapan?
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2023/153 - Malaysia’s 2023 State Elections: So Much Fuss For So Little Work
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2023/060 - 2023 Budget Speech: Act One of Anwar Ibrahim’s Reform of Malaysia?
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2022/318 - “Anything Is Possible” at GE15, but Pakatan Harapan Needs a GE14 Rerun
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2022/258 - The Najib Verdict: Judges Made Their Mark, But Will It Last?
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2022/159 - Malaysia’s GE15: When Race-Based Policies Might Trump Rice-Bowl Promises
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2022/134 - The ‘Malay Protector’ Debate: Spirited But Short on Substance
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2022/073 - Malaysia’s Focus on When to Raise Minimum Wage Must Not Forget Why
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2022/014 - Malaysia’s Employees Provident Fund: An Emergency Populist Fund?
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2021/283 - Bumiputeras vs ‘the Others’ in Malaysia’s 2022 Budget: Moral Outrage is Not Enough
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2021/264 - The Twelfth Malaysia Plan: Time for a Reset?
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2021/240 - Transforming Malaysia’s Elephant in The Room: Conflict, Consensus or Cop Out?
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2021/215 - Malaysia’s New PM: Bi-partisanship is Good, Non-partisanship Even Better
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2021/181 - Malaysia’s Covid-19 Response: Pressed to Be (in the) Present
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2021/152 - Malaysia’s Pemerkasa+ Package: More Subsidies Might Be Needed
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2021/103 - Harnessing a Rising Economic Tide to Lift All Boats
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2021/033 - Ditching Malaysia’s Bumiputera System: Three Utopian Scenarios To Consider
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2022/113 - Malaysia's GE-15 manifestos : wading through a flood of offerings
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