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2024/015 - Indonesia Votes 2024: Personality Versus Policy in the Presidential Election
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2024/015 - The Israel-Palestine conflict reveal political divisions within Thailand
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2024/016 - Democracy Beyond the Ballot Box: Digital Resurgence of Thai Civil Society
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2024/017 - Can Bersatu go it alone?
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2024/017 - Mahathir’s Broadside About Race: Time to Map Out a Coherent Vision
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2024/018 - Assessing Vietnam’s challenges in fighting IUU fishing
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2024/018 - The Myanmar Junta’s Unhappy New Year
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2024/019 - “Feigning Death to Catch Crows”? Vietnam’s Succession Conundrum
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2024/020 - Dubai Move Failed to Understand GPS
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2024/020 - Indonesia’s export-proceeds holding policy: a preliminary assessment
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2024/021 - A deep dive into Malaysia’s People’s Justice Party (PKR)
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2024/021 - Takeaways from Anwar’s December Cabinet Reshuffle
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2024/022 - Bumiputera Economic Congress 2024: Seven Suggestions for the Seventh Convention
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2024/022 - Thailand’s submarine saga reaches a climax in March
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2024/023 - Policy Possibilities after Indonesia’s Presidential Election 2024
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2024/024 - Japan and Southeast Asia set to co-create an interwoven future
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2024/025 - An Election to End All Elections?
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2024/026 - A Political Settlement in Thailand’s Deep South: Three Steps Forward, Two Steps Back
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2024/027 - What is Laos’ Game Plan for the Myanmar crisis?
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2024/028 - Indonesian Voters’ Preferences in 2024: Less Determined, More Diverse
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2024/028 - Thailand’s ageing society and young Thais’ changing views and expectations
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2024/029 - Marcos’s Visit to Vietnam: When Manila’s Pivot Meets Hanoi’s Pragmatism
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2024/030 - The power of a vote in Malaysia: malapportionment under UNDI18, AVR, and MA63
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2024/030 - Will Better-Informed Indonesian Youth Vote for Dynastic Politicians?
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2024/031 - Islamist figures and their limited role in Indonesia’s 2024 presidential election
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2024/031 - Move Forward Stands at the Brink of Dissolution
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2024/032 - Will Vietnam Turn to Russia or America for Its New Jet Fighter?
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2024/033 - A study of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain in Malaysia
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2024/033 - Najib Razak’s Partial Pardon: Cui Bono?
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2024/035 - COP28: Enhanced Food Security in Southeast Asia?
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2024/035 - The impacts of supply chain reconfiguration on ASEAN economies
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2024/036 - The Evil, Stupid and Arrogant in Malaysian Politics: Who is Jadong?
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2024/036 - The aftermath of the 2024 Indonesian elections: a season for speculation
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2024/037 - Bleak future for Islamic parties in Indonesia after the 2024 election
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2024/037 - India and China’s Volatile New Status Quo
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2024/038 - PAS’ Efforts to Attract Non-Muslims: An Exercise in Futility?
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2024/039 - Can Prabowo-Gibran Win Outright Against a Ganjar-Anies Alliance?
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2024/040 - Questioning the Neutrality of Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia’s 2024 Election
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2024/041 - Engaging Southeast Asia: the EU’s role as a resilient and reliable middle power?
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2024/041 - Indonesia’s Presidential Election: The Limitations of Surveys on Electability
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2024/042 - Corruption eradication in Indonesia: one step forward, two steps back
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2024/042 - Thai Constitutional Court Decision on Move Forward is Judicial Overreach
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2024/043 - Will the PSI Enter Indonesia’s National Parliament After the 2024 Elections?
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2024/044 - Anti-corruption politics and shifts in central-local relations in Vietnam
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2024/044 - Indonesia’s Presidential Election and Palestinian Issues
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2024/045 - Southeast Asia and the global south: rhetoric and reality
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2024/046 - Japan’s Arms Transfers to Southeast Asia: Upping the Ante?
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2024/047 - The Return of Melaka Gateway: Scaled-down Ambitions
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2024/048 - Inclusivity or Division? The Unintended Consequences of Non-Segregated Gyms
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2024/048 - Malaysia’s progressive wage policy: looming questions for the pilot project
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2024/049 - Indonesia Pragmatically Picks a Prabowo Presidency But the Dust Has Not Settled
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2024/049 - Minorities in Brunei Darussalam: intersecting religion and ethnicity
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2024/050 - New Battlefront Emerging in Western Myanmar
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2024/050 - Whither institutional reform in Malaysia?
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2024/051 - Holding social media companies accountable for enabling hate and disinformation
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2024/051 - Why Ganjar-Mahfud Were Beaten on Their Own Turf But PDI-P Survived
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2024/052 - China’s “Two Mountains” Framework: Varied Responses from Southeast Asia
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2024/053 - Digital autocratisation and electoral disinformation in the Philippines
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2024/053 - Sharia versus Shariatisation in Malaysia: Which One Will Triumph?
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2024/054 - Japan, the courteous power, bares some teeth for regional stability
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2024/054 - The ASEAN Power Grid: How the LTMS-PIP Can Inform the BIMP-PIP’s Development
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2024/055 - Thailand’s Marijuana Politics: Down from a High?
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2024/056 - Russian president Putin’s visit to Hanoi: Vietnam’s ‘bamboo diplomacy’ in action
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2024/057 - Thai University Students’ Civic Engagement on Campuses
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2024/059 - The Nusantara project in progress: risks and challenges
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2024/060 - Cambodia and Japan: Firm Friends Amid Great Power Rivalry
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2024/060 - The vital role of nutrition in climate resilience and food security in Southeast Asia
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2024/061 - Liu Jianchao: New Foreign Minister, Same Foreign Policy?
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2024/062 - Assessing Indonesia’s Post-Election Economic Policy Direction
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