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2022/016 - Vietnam’s New Graft Scandal Sets Back Anti-Corruption Drive
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2022/017 - Presidential Polls and the West Philippine Sea: A Sea Change?
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2022/017 - Southeast Asia holds mixed perceptions of the Biden administration
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2022/018 - Historical Continuity in Myanmar’s Second Struggle for Independence
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2022/018 - Political instability and enhanced monarchy in Malaysia
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2022/019 - Seeing Red over Rising Prices for Greens
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2022/019 - The intractable challenges facing energy trade in Southeast Asia
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2022/020 - Agriculture in a state of woe following Myanmar's 2021 military coup
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2022/020 - Myanmar’s Post-coup Aid Crisis: Whither Civilian Protection?
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2022/021 - Elections in Johor: Needlessly Nigh?
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2022/022 - China and Chinese overseas : a softer soft policy needed
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2022/022 - Ratsadornprasong Fund: New Front for People’s Struggles Against the Establishment
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2022/023 - Myanmar’s State Administration Council: A Shell Entity?
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2022/023 - The Johor state election : a spiderweb of spats, splits and surprises
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2022/024 - Myanmar’s New Political Economy Takes Shape
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2022/025 - How to solve the South China Sea disputes
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2022/025 - Tourism in ASEAN: The Need to Turn Dreams Into Reality
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2022/026 - Malaysia's floods of December 2021 : can future disasters be avoided?
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2022/026 - Malaysia’s Ratification of the RCEP: Necessary but not Sufficient
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2022/027 - Extending Jokowi’s Presidential Term: Dead in the Water?
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2022/027 - Thai PM must act sooner to defend his fragile premiership
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2022/028 - Is Kishida’s ‘New Capitalism’ Japan’s New Political-Economic Doctrine?
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2022/029 - Indonesia-Singapore Defence Cooperation Agreement: A Win Win
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2022/029 - The race to produce Covid-19 vaccines in Southeast Asia
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2022/030 - China’s Faith Diplomacy Towards Muslim Bodies in Indonesia: Bearing Fruit
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2022/031 - A Regional Digital Vaccine Certificate in ASEAN, Posthaste
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2022/032 - Enabling domestic data flows for e-commerce in ASEAN countries
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2022/032 - Parsing the UMNO-Bersatu Battle in Johor
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2022/033 - Stronger social media influence in the 2022 Philippine elections
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2022/033 - Will Green Parties Rise in Southeast Asia?
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2022/034 - Facing the Music with Methane
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2022/035 - Can OTOP support Northeastern Thailand's post-pandemic recovery?
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2022/035 - Myanmar’s Dry Zone: The History of a Tinderbox
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2022/036 - Cambodia-Vietnam relations : key issues and the way forward
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2022/036 - ‘We Apologise, But We Don’t Regret’: Thailand’s Frazzled Conservatives
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2022/037 - Chinese Students in Thailand: Cash Cow, At a Cost
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2022/037 - Migration in post-coup Myanmar : a critical determinant in shaping the country's future?
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2022/038 - 30 Years of ASEAN-India Relations: Taking Stock
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2022/038 - What's next for ASEAN-UK dialogue relations?
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2022/039 - Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow : should Southeast Asia worry?
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2022/039 - Will America Greenlight the Sale of F-35s to Thailand?
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2022/040 - Cambodia's post-pandemic recovery and future growth: key challenges
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2022/040 - What Indonesians Want Most in their President
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2022/041 - Fall of Singapore 80 Years On: Lessons Transcend Time and Place
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2022/042 - Cambodian perception of the new Chinese
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2022/042 - Philippines Presidential Polls: Economic Recovery at Stake
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2022/043 - Harnessing RCEP to Harvest ASEAN’s Unicorns
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2022/044 - 2022 State of Southeast Asia Survey: Diverse Perspectives and Hard Realities
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2022/044 - The Russia-Ukraine war: unpacking online pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam
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2022/045 - Myanmar Crisis: A Humanitarian Stalemate or Fresh Opportunities?
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2022/046 - Hope Deferred Makes Southeast Asia’s Heart Sick
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2022/046 - Vietnam's peacekeeping contributions: drivers and prospects
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2022/047 - In Southeast Asia, Regulatory Overreach No Silver Bullet to Internet Woes
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2022/047 - The Russia-Ukraine war and its potential impact on Russia's arms sales to Southeast Asia
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2022/048 - China Should Build Trust Where it Matters
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2022/049 - Asia's regional security architecture: an Australian perspective
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2022/049 - The CLMV Countries and RCEP: Will They Grasp the Opportunities?
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2022/050 - Polite Wolves: China’s Soft Twitter Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
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2022/050 - Why Vietnam might want to reconsider its Russia policy
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2022/051 - Malaysia's Bumiputera Development Action 2030: maintaining focus, moderating ambition
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2022/051 - Thammanat versus Phalang Pracharat: Who Will Win?
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2022/052 - Investment trends and industrial prospects in Indonesia
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2022/052 - Thailand’s Vision to Become A Rail Hub: A Long Shot
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2022/053 - Southeast Asians’ View of Quad and AUKUS: Some Thaw, But Not Yet Warm
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2022/053 - Uncertainties in Malaysia's economic recovery
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2022/054 - Digital Surveillance in Thailand: When Pegasus Takes Flight
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2022/055 - It takes two to tango: Vietnam-US relations in the new context
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2022/056 - Indonesia’s ‘New’ Security Approach in Papua is Fraught with Risks
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2022/057 - Chinese Membership in the CPTPP: Greater Benefits Than Downside Risks
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2022/058 - How the Arakan Army Can Capitalise on the Coup
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2022/058 - The G20: the last defence of multilateralism?
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2022/059 - Foreign policy & disinformation narratives in the 2022 Philippine election campaign
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2022/059 - The State of Southeast Asia Survey: An Outlet for Myanmar Aspirations
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2022/060 - Is an Opposition Alliance Still Possible in the 2022 Philippine Presidential Elections?
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2022/060 - The endangered Malaysian artisanal fisherman: battered by climate change and Covid-19
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2022/061 - Is ASEAN a Toothless Tiger in the Face of Ukraine Crisis?
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2022/061 - Weaponizing Ho Chi Minh in Vietnamese discourse on the war in Ukraine
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2022/062 - Parsing Objections to Moving Indonesia’s Capital
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2022/062 - The Shi'as and freedom of religion under Joko Widodo's presidency
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2022/063 - Russian Invasion of Ukraine Poses Geopolitical Quandaries for Vietnam
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2022/064 - From Remote Paradise to Levelled Villages: The Sit-Tat Assault on the ‘Yaw Valley’
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2022/064 - Nahdlatul Ulama's Muktamar 2021 and its implications: some field observations
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2022/065 - The international community needs to prepare for a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar
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2022/065 - ‘Stand, Stop, Imprison’: People’s Defiance against the Thai Establishment
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2022/066 - Situating the role schools have played in the Mindanao conflict
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