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2021/254 - Thailand’s Warring Generals: Different Beds, Same Dream
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2021/255 - Malacca’s Political Crisis: A Microcosm of Fragmented Malay Political Alignments
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2021/256 - PDI-P’s Presidential Nominee Race Will Shape Future Alliances
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2021/257 - Southeast Asians Weigh In On Climate Issues
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2021/258 - Slammed by The Delta “Force”: Turns In The Covid-19 Wars In Southeast Asia
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2021/259 - North Natuna Sea: Indonesia Needs More Than a Military Strategy
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2021/260 - The Curious Case of Attacks Against Muslim Figures
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2021/261 - Vietnam’s Economic Reopening: Finding the Right Balance
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2021/262 - ASEAN Snubs the State Administration Council (For Now)
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2021/263 - Automating Dissent with Hashtags: from #Kitajagakita to #Benderahitam
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2021/264 - The Twelfth Malaysia Plan: Time for a Reset?
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2021/265 - Unlocking Cross-Border E-Commerce for Smaller Firms
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2021/266 - Thai 2021 Demonstrations: Losing Traction Online
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2021/267 - Cajoling China and the US Towards Peace, Not War
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2021/268 - The SAC Versus ASEAN: The Futility of Legal Recourse
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2021/269 - Moving the Indonesian Capital: Political Ambition or Realistic Vision?
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2021/270 - Muktamar and the Future of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)
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2021/271 - The Philippines after Duterte: The End of Impunity?
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2021/272 - Collapse of Myanmar’s Fiscal Space
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2021/273 - Is Cambodia’s Endemic Covid-19 Approach Sensible?
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2021/274 - Malaysia’s National Trade Blueprint: Mind the Gap
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2021/275 - Standing Up to Be Counted
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2021/276 - Political Coalitions in Malaysia: Fluid, Fleeting and Fickle
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2021/277 - Southeast Asia and the Major Powers: Climate Change and the Need For Shrewdness
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2021/278 - Cambodia’s Chairing of ASEAN: The Heat is On
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2021/279 - COP26 and Southeast Asia: Cop-outs and Take-Aways
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2021/280 - The Future of Duterte’s Pivot to China: A Non-Defeatist Approach
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2021/281 - The 2022 Philippine Elections: Like Father, like Daughter-te
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2021/282 - Technology and Climate Adaptation: How to Fill the Gap
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2021/283 - Bumiputeras vs ‘the Others’ in Malaysia’s 2022 Budget: Moral Outrage is Not Enough
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2021/284 - Cambodia and Covid-19: Last to Lock Down, First to Open Up
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2021/285 - Pakatan Harapan to Retake Melaka: Long Odds?
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2021/286 - US-China Relations: Guardrails and Third Rails
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2021/287 - Indonesia’s New Army Chief: Nudging the Country Towards the Sea
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2021/288 - What is China Bringing to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with ASEAN
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2021/289 - Jokowi Playing It Safe by Picking Loyalists to Lead the Indonesian Military
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2021/290 - China and Second Thomas Shoal: For They Say, But Do Not
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2021/291 - Perikatan Nasional’s Performance in Melaka: Worth a Double Take
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2021/292 - World Trade Organisation Talks: Make or Break
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2021/293 - Myanmar’s Infrastructure Development: A Dire Future
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2021/294 - The USS Connecticut Incident: Silent Service, Turbulent Clash?
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2021/295 - Myanmar: Recognition is the Name of the Game
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2021/296 - Russia’s Maritime Exercise With ASEAN: Punching Below Its Weight
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2021/297 - State Administration Council vs Aung San Suu Kyi: Who Really Wins?
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2021/298 - Indonesia and China’s Maritime Grey Zone Strategy: In Denial
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2021/299 - Al-Najah’s Arrest: Time for MUI to Come Clean
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2021/300 - Sexism in the 2022 Philippine Elections: A Problem with No Name
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2021/301 - ASEAN and Australia: Advancing Our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership
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2021/302 - The Ones to Watch: Chinese Investors in Thailand, Trends and Opportunities
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2021/303 - Omicron: Threat to ASEAN’s Trade Recovery
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2021/304 - ASEAN and the Group of 7: Same Bed, Different Dreams
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2021/305 - Extending TNI Officers’ Retirement Age: More Harm than Good?
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2021/306 - The Grim Future of the Democrat Party in Thailand’s Upper South
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2021/308 - Indonesian Police and Vigilante Groups: An Implicit Double Standard
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2021/309 - A Bumpy Road Ahead for Myanmar’s Economy
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2021/310 - Fighting Big Fat Lies Online: Caveat Emptor
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2021/311 - The Drugs Trade in a Time of Covid-19: Still Rolling
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2021/312 - A Prototype of Bamar-Buddhist Liberated Areas in Anyathars’ Spring Revolution
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2021/313 - Branding Vietnam: VinFast’s American Auto Debut
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2021/314 - Human Suffering in Myanmar: The Need for International Attention
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2021/315 - Southeast Asian Militaries: The Need to Boost Strategic Autonomy
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2021/316 - Myanmar’s Climate Crisis: Damaging Policies Need Reversal
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2021/317 - Vietnam’s Covid-19 Response: ‘Those above tell, those below do not heed.’
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2021/318 - The 212 Movement: Flagging Political Fortunes
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2021/319 - Form over Substance: A Threat to Livelihoods and Social Cohesion
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2021/320 - The ‘Revival’ of PKI: Bogeyman Tactics
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2021/321 - High Vaccination Rates Bring Hope to Vietnam’s 2022 Economic Outlook
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2022 - Regional Disruptions Amidst Global Recovery
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2022/001 - The President Versus the Cleric: Managing Conservatives From Within
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2022/002 - Malaysia on the cusp of a new political order
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2022/002 - Myanmar’s Submarines: The Race Is on Between China and Russia
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2022/003 - Myanmar’s National Unity Consultative Council: A Vision of Myanmar’s Federal Future
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2022/004 - Vietnam's labour reforms : drivers and implications
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2022/004 - Whatever Happened to the Middle Way?
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2022/005 - Paperless Trade in ASEAN: A Long Way To Go
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2022/005 - Tackling the challenges of financial inclusion and illegal lending in Indonesia
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2022/006 - Adjusting towards a digital economy : the critical role of labour mobility
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2022/006 - Vietnam’s High Vaccination Rates: So What?
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2022/007 - Cambodia and Myanmar: The Need to Balance Pressure and Diplomacy
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2022/007 - How have two years of pandemic affected Indonesian political life?
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2022/008 - Hun Sen’s Cowboy Diplomacy: Quick Draw or Firing Blanks?
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2022/008 - Myanmar's National Unity Government : a radical arrangement to counteract the coup
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2022/009 - Climate finance in Southeast Asia : trends and opportunities
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2022/009 - Hun Sen’s Visit to Myanmar: A Cambodian View
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2022/010 - Indonesia’s South China Sea Confab: When Chin-wagging Counts
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2022/010 - Uncertainty grows as anxiety intensifies among Thailand's political parties
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2022/011 - Cryptos: Un-Tethering from the Military Junta
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2022/011 - The Biden administration and Southeast Asia : one year in review
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2022/012 - France's third path for the Indo-Pacific? : Credentials and challenges
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2022/012 - Hun Sen’s visit to Myanmar: A Perspective from Myanmar
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2022/013 - A roadmap for consolidating Jokowi's legacy
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2022/013 - Thailand and the Crisis in Myanmar: Playing a Peacemaker Role
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2022/014 - Malaysia’s Employees Provident Fund: An Emergency Populist Fund?
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2022/014 - Rising risks from cross-ownership between real estate developers and banks in Vietnam
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2022/015 - Examining climate-conflict links in Southeast Asia
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2022/015 - The New Nahdlatul Ulama (NU): ‘Islamic Party No; Islamic Politicians Yes?’
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2022/016 - The Philippines' China policy and the 2022 elections : time for a rethink
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