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2022/066 - Threat to Amnesty International Reflects Climate of Repression in Thailand
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2022/067 - Better safeguards needed for trusted data use in ASEAN countries
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2022/067 - Putting a Floor Under Asia’s Sinking Cities
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2022/068 - Advancing U.S. Security Commitments to Southeast Asia Under Biden
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2022/069 - The Nusantara project: prospects and challenges
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2022/069 - Timor-Leste’s Presidential Elections: A Quiet or Rowdy Neighbour for Indonesia?
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2022/070 - Malaysia’s Recent Floods Must Spur Bold and Decisive Action
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2022/071 - Japan’s Standing in Southeast Asia: Down But Not Out
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2022/071 - The Arakan dream in post-coup Myanmar
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2022/072 - Parti Warisan in Johor: Making Waves or Merely a Ripple?
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2022/073 - Malaysia’s Focus on When to Raise Minimum Wage Must Not Forget Why
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2022/074 - Johor Polls: Old Boys Singin’ the Same Old Tunes
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2022/074 - What do the official Chinese media's mixed messages on the Myanmar coup mean?
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2022/075 - Did China eke out a vaccine diplomacy victory in Southeast Asia?
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2022/075 - School Closures and Child Labour: The Pandemic’s Social Cost
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2022/076 - Cambodia’s Education System: Looking Back to Move Forward
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2022/076 - Piracy and the pandemic : maritime crime in Southeast Asia22
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2022/077 - The media landscape in Indonesia : the more things change, the more they stay the same
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2022/077 - Tourism in Southeast Asia: Building Forward Better
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2022/078 - Win Over Renewable Naysayers in Indonesia
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2022/079 - How the party-state retains controls over Vietnam's blossoming media landscape
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2022/079 - The Russia-Ukraine War: Parallels and Lessons for Vietnam
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2022/080 - Reforming the Philippine Electoral Commission
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2022/081 - Decoding Phuket Province’s Demand for Autonomy
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2022/081 - The roots of Cambodia's actions against illegal Vietnamese immigrants
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2022/082 - New battle lines appear in the wake of Malaysia's historic enfranchisement bill
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2022/082 - Vietnam Netizens Reactions at Odds with Vietnam’s Stance on Ukraine
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2022/083 - Pakatan Harapan in Johor: Fading Fan Favourites
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2022/083 - Thailand approaches an historic turning point amid political uncertainties
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2022/084 - Rising Support for Postponing Indonesia’s Elections? What the Data Really Says
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2022/085 - Reaping the Benefits of RCEP: From Utilisation to Exports
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2022/086 - Community-led Social Cohesion in Post-Coup Myanmar: A Promising Glimmer
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2022/086 - The state of Southeast Asia's green recovery post Covid-19
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2022/087 - Can ASEAN and India share a common outlook and approach in the Indo-Pacific?
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2022/087 - Slashing Methane Emissions: A Tricky Business
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2022/088 - Chinese debt traps in Southeast Asia : what the data say
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2022/089 - Another Win for Barisan Nasional: Now To Prove Their Worth
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2022/090 - Bangkok’s New Chinatown: Waiting for Another Ka-Ching
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2022/090 - Tell China's story well : Chinese embassies' media outreach in Southeast Asian media
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2022/091 - Targeting the Tourism Dollar from ASEAN
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2022/092 - Business throws its support behind Indonesia's opposition-free liberal democracy
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2022/092 - UMNO Assembly Puts Prime Minister’s Back to the Wall
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2022/093 - Climate emergency and food-energy conflicts in Southeast Asia
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2022/093 - Myanmar Returns to Import Substitution: Primed to Fail
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2022/094 - Nahdlatul Ulama ‘Going Global’: Charity Should Begin at Home
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2022/094 - Xin Yimin in Malaysia : trends and implications
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2022/095 - Dissecting Thailand's 2022 military and police reshuffles : palace proactivity?
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2022/095 - Resetting the Throw-Away Lifestyle
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2022/096 - Islamisation in Malaysia beyond UMNO and PAS
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2022/096 - Thailand and the Russia-Ukraine War: Bending or Gone with the Wind?
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2022/097 - Thailand has no shortage of aspirants to succeed Prime Minister Prayut
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2022/098 - ASEAN Special Envoy in Myanmar: Too Little, Too Late?
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2022/098 - The U.S. coast guard in the South China Sea : a Vietnamese perspective
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2022/099 - Despite Proscription, HTI’s Ideological Activism Continues
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2022/099 - How recipient countries in Southeast Asia manage 'Belt and Road' Initiative projects
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2022/1 - ASEANFocus
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2022/100 - Can an International State University of Confucianism be established in Indonesia?
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2022/100 - The Belt and Road Initiative and the Philippines’ Post-Duterte China Challenge
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2022/101 - Indonesia and Taliban-Led Afghanistan: Treading with Caution
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2022/102 - Custody Woes: PAS’ Calls for the ‘Desecularisation’ of Malaysian Law
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2022/102 - Malaysia's artisanal fishermen : political ecology and survival
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2022/103 - A ground-up approach to climate-resilient agriculture in Southeast Asia
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2022/103 - Johor’s Menteri Besar Surprise: Poster Boy Makes Way For King’s Man
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2022/104 - Indonesia’s Cooking Oil Crisis: Causes and Consequences
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2022/105 - Hale and Hearty Plans for Thailand’s Andaman Coast
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2022/105 - Managing Indonesia's commodity windfall for long-term benefits
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2022/106 - No April Fool’s Joke: The Singapore-Malaysia Border Finally Reopens
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2022/106 - Polarised but hopeful : how Malaysia's Gen Zs may vote, and why
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2022/107 - Parti Amanah Negara's strong and volatile seats
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2022/107 - Vietnam’s Mediascape Amid the War in Ukraine: Between Method and Mayhem
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2022/108 - Climate resilience of energy infrastructures in Southeast Asia
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2022/108 - Myanmar’s Post-coup Electricity Woes: Stalled Power Plans, Shattered Public Trust
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2022/109 - Supply Chain Resilience and the Trumped-up Case for Reshoring
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2022/109 - The state of Indonesia's digital economy in 2022
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2022/110 - China, the United States and Taiwan : when talking matters
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2022/110 - Will Vietnam Be Able to Wean Itself Off Russian Arms?
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2022/111 - Anutin Charnvirakul : strongest contender for the Thai premiership
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2022/111 - Bahasa Melayu as ASEAN’s Second Language: Sekali Lagi Tak Boleh
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2022/112 - Mapping the surge in EV production in Southeast Asia
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2022/112 - Singapore and the United States: Speaking Hard Truths as a Zhengyou
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2022/113 - ASEAN Taxonomy for Sustainable Finance: Putting Money Where the Mouth Is
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2022/113 - Malaysia's GE-15 manifestos : wading through a flood of offerings
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2022/114 - The Johor vote : the impact of ethnicity, turnout and age on voter preferences
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2022/114 - Unpacking Russia’s Twitter Disinformation Narratives in Southeast Asia
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2022/115 - How Malaysia's GE15 outcome will affect the revision of budget 2023
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2022/115 - Silent Strikes: Striking Against the SAC’s Chance to Govern
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