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2022/116 - China's hydro-politics through the Lancang-Mekong cooperation
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2022/116 - Getting Ready for those Business Black Swans
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2022/118 - Russia’s War Against Ukraine: Why Hard Power Matters
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2022/118 - The struggle for international recognition : Myanmar after the 2021 coup
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2022/119 - ASEAN-India Relations: Time to Match Rhetoric with Actions
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2022/120 - China-educated Malaysians and China's educational outreach to Malaysia
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2022/120 - Palm Oil Certification Schemes: Putting Some Roar into Paper Tigers
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2022/121 - Say It Ain’t So, Joko: No Third Term for Widodo
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2022/122 - Silencing the Din in Indonesian Cities
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2022/123 - An Unexpected Stillness in the Heart of Wartime Myanmar
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2022/124 - Talk is Cheap: The 2022 Philippine Elections’ Climate Implications
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2022/125 - The Malaysian Opposition’s ‘Big Tent’ Strategy: A Misreading of Election History
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2022/126 - System Reset? Unlocking Domestic Data Flows to Enhance ASEAN E-Commerce
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2022/127 - A Third Term for Jokowi: Weighing the Risks of Constitutional Change
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2022/128 - Credit UMNO for the Rakyat’s Benefits? More Serious Accounting Needed
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2022/129 - Moon Versus Maths: The Ramadhan Debate and Future of Indonesia’s Pluralism
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2022/130 - Corruption is the Worst Enemy of the Vietnamese Army
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2022/132 - Restoring Public Trust in Indonesia’s Political Parties
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2022/133 - ASEAN’s Consumers on the Move: Tertiary Education
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2022/134 - The ‘Malay Protector’ Debate: Spirited But Short on Substance
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2022/136 - Indonesia’s New Food Agency: No Fast Food Solutions
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2022/137 - Local Matters in the 2022 Philippine Elections
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2022/138 - The New FPI: Don’t Buy the Same Horse Twice
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2022/139 - Sustaining Malaysia’s FDI Rebound: Promotion is Good, Facilitation Better
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2022/140 - The Liberal Order’s Illiberal Turn: Implications for Southeast Asia
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2022/142 - A Victory for the Social Opposition: Upping Protection for Victims of Sexual Violence
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2022/143 - US-ASEAN Summit: The Audacity of Trope
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2022/145 - The Next Phase of Myanmar’s 2021 Spring Revolution Turns on Contested Local Authority
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2022/146 - Tackling the Problem of Identity Violence Against Pluralists
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2022/147 - PM Chinh Goes to Washington: Equal Importance of Foreign and Domestic Goals
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2022/148 - U.S.-ASEAN: Summitry Is Not a Strategy
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2022/149 - Cash Payments in Post-Pandemic Southeast Asia: Phasing Out or Coming Back?
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2022/150 - ASEAN’S Relevance for the New South Korean Administration
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2022/151 - Abdul Somad Denied Entry into Singapore: Islamophobic? Far from It
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2022/152 - Kishida’s Charm Diplomacy in Southeast Asia: Moral Suasion Does the Trick
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2022/153 - Jokowi’s Dilemma: To Stay or To Go?
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2022/154 - The War in Ukraine: Cambodia’s Surprisingly Hard-line Stand
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2022/155 - Vietnam and Russia’s Political Alignment: More than Meets the Eye
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2022/156 - Out of the Frying Pan Into the Fire: Cooking Oil Burns Jokowi’s Popularity
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2022/157 - Bangkok Polls: Writing on the Wall for Thai PM
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2022/158 - Can a Regional Public Health Emergency Centre Work for ASEAN?
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2022/159 - Malaysia’s GE15: When Race-Based Policies Might Trump Rice-Bowl Promises
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2022/160 - To Ban or Not To Ban? How Indonesia Can Overcome the Global Food Crisis
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2022/161 - UMNO’s Constitutional Amendment: A Done Deal?
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2022/162 - The ‘People’s Court’ Supports and Celebrates Marriage Equality in Thailand
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2022/163 - Malaysia’s Nationwide Minimum Wage Omits Crucial Regional Differences
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2022/164 - Beware of False Peace in Myanmar
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2022/165 - ASEAN Re-opening: When the Whole is Less than the Sum of its Parts
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2022/166 - Timor Leste’s New President: Polarisation Defused or Postponed?
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2022/167 - ‘Doomed to Fail’: Chinese Media Dismisses the U.S.’s ASEAN Diplomacy
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2022/168 - Ismail Sabri Charting His Own Course
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2022/169 - ASEAN Cooperation Post-2025: A Vision for Collaborative Governance
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2022/170 - App-based Drivers in Vietnam: More Workers than Contractors
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2022/171 - Conflict Mismanagement: Beijing and Naypyidaw’s Counter-Effective Moves in Shan State
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2022/172 - Brother Can You Spare a Kyat? Currency Woes in Myanmar
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2022/173 - Fresh From Latest Win, Thai PM Will Still Run The Gauntlet
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2022/174 - #LeaveNoOneBehind: Ensuring Universal Energy Access in SEA’s Transition
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2022/175 - Bigger Constituencies, Lesser Political Clout
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2022/176 - The Need for Power Balance Amidst Rising Great Power Contestations
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2022/177 - Thai Monks who Drink and Their Lay Supporters
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2022/178 - Shangri-La Dialogue 2022: The Paradox of Peace and Power
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2022/179 - Southeast Asia Should Confront Threat of Economic Espionage
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2022/180 - Southeast Asia Caught Between a Commodity Crisis and a Climate Crunch
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2022/181 - Khilafatul Muslimin: Not a Serious Threat to Indonesia Yet
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2022/182 - Hot and Bothered: Climate Challenges for ASEAN’s Tourism Reopening
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2022/183 - Having it Both Ways? Cambodia’s Superpower Balancing Act
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2022/184 - The Metaverse and the Importance of Personal Data Protection in Southeast Asia
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2022/185 - Unpacking Cambodia’s 2022 Defence White Paper
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2022/186 - China’s Pragmatic Party Diplomacy in Southeast Asia
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2022/188 - Indonesia’s Cabinet Reshuffle: Rewarding Loyalty and Consolidating Power
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2022/189 - Bon Odori in Malaysia: Dance-off between Revivalism and Multiculturalism
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2022/190 - Thailand’s Digital Divide: Leave No One Behind
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2022/191 - ASEAN and ADMM: Climbing Out of a Deep Hole
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2022/192 - Malaysia’s Skewed Transport System: Rising Costs Demand Bolder Solutions
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2022/193 - Restoring Privacy Rights a Must for Ending Myanmar’s Violence
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2022/194 - Taking a New Tack on Ageing: Seniors as Agents of Development
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2022/195 - No News is Good News: Low Trust in Southeast Asia’s Mainstream Media
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2022/196 - Has ASEAN Reached the Point of Diminishing Returns with Myanmar?
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2022/197 - Indonesia’s New Workers Party: Ambiguity in Labour Politics
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2022/198 - Could Franchising Help Save The Planet?
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2022/199 - Vietnam’s App-based Driver Protests Surge amidst Rising Petrol Prices
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2022/2 - ASEANFocus
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2022/200 - ‘Tell the RCEP Story Well’: The Salience of RCEP in China’s Global Discourse
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2022/201 - Australia and ASEAN Relations: Hard Yakka Ahead
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2022/202 - Climate Change Calls for Less U.S.-China Rivalry and More Renewables
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2022/203 - Jokowi’s “Peace Mission” to Europe: Well-intentioned But Fruitless
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2022/204 - Booster Shot? Pao Tang Digital Payment and Thailand’s Domestic Consumption
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2022/205 - The China Factor and “Bongbong” Marcos’s Foreign Policy
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2022/206 - The Politics of Nahdliyyin: Uneasy Relations between NU and PKB
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2022/207 - Can Indonesia Provide Much-needed Leadership in ASEAN?
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2022/208 - More Food, Less Fight: Can Jokowi Deliver on Indonesia’s G20 Presidency?
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2022/209 - Will Vietnam’s Richest Man Be Safe?
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