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2022/210 - China’s Global Security Initiative Stoking Regional Tensions
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2022/211 - Can the Russia-Ukraine Conflict Derail Southeast Asia’s Decarbonisation Efforts?
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2022/212 - Enhancing ASEAN Access to Finance with Digital Banknote
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2022/214 - Malaysia Must Pursue A New Order of Stability via Democracy
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2022/215 - What’s Behind Vietnam’s ‘Bamboo Diplomacy’ Discourse?
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2022/216 - India-ASEAN Relations: The Need to Reconsider RCEP
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2022/217 - No Room at the Inn? ASEAN Should Not Delay Timor-Leste’s Membership
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2022/218 - Anies Baswedan: Potential Kingmaker in Indonesia’s 2024 Presidential Race?
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2022/219 - The U.S.-China Strategic Competition in the Pacific: Something ASEAN Needs to Watch
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2022/220 - Shinzo Abe’s Legacy: The Centrality of Southeast Asia
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2022/221 - Content Moderation of Social Media in Southeast Asia: Contestations and Control
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2022/222 - Frugal Innovations: New Delhi’s Soft Power Potential in ASEAN
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2022/223 - Offered but Not Taken: Why Are Businesses Not Using Government Support?
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2022/224 - Promoting Inclusive Growth with Digital Identification in ASEAN
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2022/225 - Building Peace in Asia: It’s Not the “Asian Way”
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2022/226 - How Southeast Asia Will Benefit from the G7’s Infrastructure and Investment Drive
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2022/227 - Leadership in Place, PKR Needs to Focus on Ideology
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2022/228 - Small Business and Climate Change: The Last Frontier?
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2022/229 - Ukraine’s Accession to TAC: A Critical Decision for ASEAN
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2022/230 - Myanmar’s Danu Zone: From Peace to War
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2022/231 - Bangkok’s Flawed Plan to Allow Foreign Land Ownership
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2022/232 - Malaysia’s GE15: Not All Youth Votes Are Equal
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2022/233 - Pelosi Visit to Taiwan: Lasting Impact on Southeast Asia
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2022/234 - Indonesia Versus Malaysia: Ruffled Feathers in Chicken Export Competition?
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2022/235 - 55th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting: Much Ado About Everything (or Nothing)?
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2022/236 - China’s Think-Tank Diplomacy in Southeast Asia: Idea Exchange or Echo Chamber?
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2022/237 - Time for Vietnam to Apply Minimum Wage to Gig Economy Workers
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2022/238 - Hunger, Malnutrition and Climate Change: Challenges Facing Southeast Asia
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2022/239 - Is the ASEAN Secretariat Overdue for a Renewed Mandate?
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2022/240 - When Lack of Jaw Jaw Might Lead to War War
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2022/242 - Thai Parliamentarians Should Learn from Their Malaysian Counterparts
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2022/243 - Indonesia’s 2024 Elections: Party Elite Interest Versus Mass Popularity
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2022/244 - Public Officials in Celebrity Podcasts: Dodging the Bullet
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2022/245 - The Implications of EU’s CBAM for Southeast Asia
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2022/246 - Unretweeted Love? #KeluargaMalaysia Overtures Fall Flat
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2022/247 - Will the Thai Military Ever Get Its Submarines and Stealth Fighters?
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2022/248 - Political Succession in Southeast Asia: When Dynasty Might Mean Destiny
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2022/249 - Why Vietnamese Private Conglomerates Are Venturing Into Social Housing
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2022/251 - Cutting Methane Emissions: Different Strokes for Different Folks
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2022/253 - Has ASEAN Lost its Appeal to the United Kingdom?
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2022/254 - Malaysia’s Multi-coalition Platter Spices Up Talk of Fragmented Parliament
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2022/255 - Indonesia’s New Criminal Code: The Political Establishment Versus Civil Society, Again
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2022/256 - Prayut’s Suspension: The Authoritarian System Behind the Thai Premier
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2022/257 - UNCLOS and Maritime Governance: Why It Matters to Malaysia
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2022/258 - The Najib Verdict: Judges Made Their Mark, But Will It Last?
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2022/259 - ASEAN and Taiwan: Cooperation Opportunities amid Diplomatic Constraints
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2022/260 - Malaysia’s 15th General Election: Considering the Chessboard
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2022/261 - How Platform Drivers in Indonesia Are Being Taken for a Ride
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2022/262 - Moving Southeast Asia’s Climate Needle: One Thread at a Time
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2022/263 - The ‘Sambo Case’: Public Trust in the Indonesian Police at Stake
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2022/264 - Vietnam Tightens the Screws on Big Tech
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2022/266 - Survival, Success and the Sea: The Importance of UNCLOS to Singapore
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2022/267 - Myanmar and Russia: Vladivostok Meeting Signals a Tighter Embrace
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2022/268 - Environmental and Labour Standards in IPEF: Tough Pill to Swallow for Southeast Asia
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2022/269 - Politicised Islam Frays the Fabric of Keluarga Malaysia
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2022/270 - Putting Up a Front: How Indonesians Feel about Jokowi’s Climate Agenda
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2022/271 - When Environmental Sustainability Masks Unsustainable Employment
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2022/272 - ACT’s Scandal Damages Islamic Philanthropy in Indonesia
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2022/273 - After 40 Years, UNCLOS Remains Significant to Vietnam
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2022/274 - China Dream Keeps Southeast Asia Awake at Night
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2022/275 - Myanmar Coup Makers’ Major Challenge is a Failing Economy
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2022/276 - Fuel Price Rises in Indonesia: A Challenge to Stay the Course
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2022/277 - Southeast Asia a Key Link in Renewable Energy Supply Chain Resilience
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2022/278 - Searching for Keys as the Kyat Goes Out of Kilter
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2022/279 - Unifying Halal Product Certification: ASEAN’s Challenge
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2022/280 - Thailand’s New Electoral System: More Freedom of Choice, With a Catch
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2022/281 - Ending Our Toxic Relationship with Coal
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2022/282 - Islamic Studies and Intellectualism in Indonesia: Remembering Professor Azyumardi Azra
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2022/283 - Girt by Sea, and by the Law of the Sea: Why UNCLOS Matters to Australia
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2022/284 - The #Bjorka Case and Ratification of Indonesia’s PDP Law: Confronting Digitalisation
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2022/285 - Zahid Hamidi’s Acquittal: Darker of Darkest Days?
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2022/286 - UNCLOS’s Relevance to Taiwan Amid a Raging Storm
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2022/287 - Addressing food security and climate change at the G20 Summit
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2022/288 - Can Mekong Stingrays Tell the Chinese Dam Story Well?
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2022/289 - Electric Vehicles in Malaysia: Moving Uphill from Niche to Mass Market
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2022/290 - Rift between Two Indonesian Generals Spotlights Civil-Military Relations
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2022/291 - Vietnamese Private Enterprises’ Covid-19 Donations: Not All about Altruism
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2022/292 - Indonesia’s Kanjuruhan Stadium Tragedy: A Serious Wake-up Call
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2022/293 - Myanmar’s Pivot to Russia: Friend in Need or Faulty Strategy?
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2022/294 - What the New U.S. Ambassador to ASEAN Can Do
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2022/295 - When Tourism and Sustainable Agriculture Make Good Bedfellows
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2022/296 - When Abstention Speaks Volumes: Thailand’s Turnaround in the UNGA
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2022/297 - Malaysia’s Electoral Cycle – Now Two-Level Chess?
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2022/298 - Merge or Die: How Chart Pattana Kla Reflects a Sea Change in Party Dynamics
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2022/300 - UNCLOS and Thailand: Security, Prosperity and Sustainability
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2022/301 - Religious Dress in Schools Polemic and Indonesia’s Philosophical Vacuum
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2022/302 - Vietnam Wants to Impose News Uniformity Even in Cyberspace – at What Cost?
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2022/303 - Malaysia’s Anti-hopping Law: Some Loopholes to Mull Over
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2022/304 - PDI-P’s Conundrum: To Nominate or Not to Nominate Ganjar Pranowo?
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2022/306 - PAS’s Election Gambit: Having it Both Ways?
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2022/307 - Cooperation, Challenges and Charms: The UNCLOS for Japan
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2022/308 - The Progressive Islamists: Can Amanah Triumph Against PAS?
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2022/309 - The United Kingdom and the Indo-Pacific: “Tilting” or Tottering?
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2022/310 - Globalised Halal Markets and Middle-class Southeast Asia: The “Muslim Piety Economy”
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