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2022/311 - Perceptions and Pathways of Energy Transition in Southeast Asia
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2022/312 - The Fundamental Tension in Biden’s National Security Strategy
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2022/313 - Evolution of the Halal Industry and Lifestyle in Southeast Asia
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2022/314 - The US-Philippine Alliance: Shared Interests and Subtle Nuances
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2022/315 - From a Rule Taker to a Rule Shaper: The Importance of UNCLOS to China
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2022/316 - Finding Soulmates through Halal Means: Ta‘aruf Online for Indonesian Muslim Youth
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2022/317 - The Threat and Allure of Thai-Style Party Bans
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2022/318 - “Anything Is Possible” at GE15, but Pakatan Harapan Needs a GE14 Rerun
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2022/320 - Defence Procurement in Malaysia: A Way Forward?
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2022/321 - Will ASEAN Take the Side of the Myanmar People
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2022/322 - There Should Be Some Tough Talk on Loss and Damage at COP27
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2022/323 - MUI’s Strong Survival Instincts for a Shariah-Compliant Indonesia
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2022/324 - Zooming In on the Government Zoomers Want
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2022/325 - UNCLOS: The Polestar for Philippine Maritime Ambitions
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2022/326 - Easy Highway, Troubled City: How China Wins and Loses Cambodians’ Hearts
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2022/327 - Pakatan Harapan and Malay Heartland Voters: The Need to Stay Grounded
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2022/328 - Putting Sustainability at the Heart of the ASEAN Community Post-2025 Vision
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2022/329 - Identity Politics Might Undermine Malay/Muslim Unity
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2022/330 - Food, Floods and Finance at COP27: Southeast Asia Must Act
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2022/331 - NasDem’s Endorsement of Anies Baswedan: Brilliant Gambit or Political Blunder?
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2022/332 - Sino-Indonesian Relations: Getting Closer or Further Apart?
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2022/333 - Worldview of the Nusantara: Indonesians More Nuanced on Foreign Policy Concerns
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2022/334 - “P225” TikTok: Malaysia’s New Constituency?
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2022/335 - ASEAN’s Season of Summitry: More Hits or Misses?
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2022/336 - The G20 Summit: Who Makes the World’s Rules?
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2022/337 - Considering the Optimism of Azyumardi Azra: The Future of Islam in Southeast Asia
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2022/338 - Reviewing the Review: ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus Implementation
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2022/339 - A Xi-Biden Handshake Does Not Bridge the Sino-U.S. Schism, But Is a Start
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2022/340 - Post-R20 Climate Action: What Can We Learn from Indonesian Muslim Environmentalism?
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2022/342 - Anies Baswedan’s Run for President: Will it Provoke New Distinctions in Contestation?
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2022/343 - COP27 and G20: Climate-Food Nexus Takes the Spotlight
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2022/344 - Myanmar Junta Prisoner Release: Let’s Not Get Ahead of Ourselves
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2022/345 - COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh: a Geopolitical Cop-out
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2022/346 - Malaysia’s New PM: The Need to Get It Right for the Country
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2022/347 - More than a Mere Caretaker? Jakarta’s Interim Governor and the 2024 Elections
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2022/348 - Japan’s Counter-strike Missiles and Southeast Asia’s “Nuclear” Question
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2022/349 - Vietnam Not Veering Closer to United States or China
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2022/350 - Café Culture and Sustainable Development in Southeast Asia
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2022/351 - How Will Anwar Ibrahim’s Unity Government Revise Budget 2023?
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2022/353 - Can Hanoi Afford the Reputational Costs of Friendship with Myanmar’s Military Regime?
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2022/355 - Fact-checking in the Philippines: The Quest to End Disinformation in Elections
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2022/357 - Locating Strategic Imperatives in ASEAN-EU Relations 45 Years On
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2022/358 - The Cianjur Earthquake Reveals the Inadequacy of Disaster Resilience in Indonesia
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2022/359 - Criminalising Sin? Indonesian Society Not As Conservative As Elites Imagine
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2022/360 - Digital Repression Deliberated: The Importance of Parliamentary Scrutiny
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2022/361 - When the Rule-Maker Breaks the Rules
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2022/362 - The Binding Forces that Hold Malaysia’s Team of Rivals Together
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2023 - Understanding the Drivers of Change in a Disrupted World
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2023/001 - Vietnam’s First Provincial Labour Arbitration Council: A Solid First Step
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2023/002 - Indonesians Call for Climate Action but Everyone Must Pull Their Weight
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2023/003 - Indonesia’s New Penal Code: A Setback for Indonesian Democracy
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2023/004 - Vietnam’s High GDP Growth Rate Masks Its Economic Difficulties
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2023/004 - What to expect from the Vietnam-South Korea comprehensive strategic partnership
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2023/005 - Indonesia's 'social opposition' remains weak but hopeful
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2023/005 - Long-Delayed Thailand-China High-Speed Train: A Political Game on Two Tracks
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2023/006 - Going beyond religious explanations for Indonesia's natural disasters
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2023/006 - Malaysia’s security law reform must regain momentum
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2023/007 - Thai PM’s New Move Raises More Questions Than Answers
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2023/007 - The era of coalitions: the shifting nature of alignments in Asia
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2023/008 - Lessons to learn from the North Morowali smelter riot
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2023/008 - Strengthening Links in ASEAN’s Global Value Chains Post-Pandemic
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2023/009 - Malaysia Cuts ECRL Costs, but Can the Mega Railway Project Pay?
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2023/009 - Why is China's global development initiative well received in Southeast Asia?
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2023/010 - Will South Korea’s Indo-Pacific Strategy Make a Difference?
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2023/011 - When a State-Led Union Can Make a Difference
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2023/011 - Why is China's global security initiative cautiously perceived in Southeast Asia?
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2023/012 - Vietnam’s Relations with the United States: Time For an Upgrade
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2023/013 - Impact of GE 15 in Sarawak : preliminary observations and a look ahead
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2023/014 - An end to the three generals era and a new beginning for Thai democracy
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2023/014 - Japan’s Responses to Chinese Grey-Zone Tactics: Giving Southeast Asia A Leg-up
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2023/015 - Towards more sustainable agro-food systems in Indonesia
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2023/015 - “Red Card” for the President? Vietnam’s Biggest Political Drama in Decades
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2023/016 - Minilateral cooperation in ASEAN may help it overcome challenges in multilateralism
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2023/017 - What to expect from Indonesia's ASEAN chairmanship 2023
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2023/017 - “Undercover” Ministers in Malaysia
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2023/018 - Indonesia as ASEAN Chair: Great Expectations for Southeast Asia’s Middle Power
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2023/019 - Avoiding Divots in the U.S. Pivot to Asia
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2023/019 - Financing the green economy: options for Indonesia
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2023/020 - The Significance of the Vietnam-Indonesia Exclusive Economic Zone Demarcation
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2023/021 - South China Sea in 2022: Deadlock or Not, Disputant States Press Advantages
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2023/022 - Malaysia’s ‘Green Wave’ Was a Long Time Coming
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2023/022 - Strong party-to-party relations cement Cambodia-China bilateral ties
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2023/023 - Locating Working Class Women in Indonesia’s Halal Economy
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