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2017/054 - Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Rohingya Seeking Refuge in Bangladesh
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2017/055 - Moro Counter-terrorism
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2017/055 - The State and the Resurgence of Popular Religiosity in Viet Nam
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2017/056 - China's Investments in Europe : Lessons for South East Asia
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2017/056 - Najib-Trump meeting: A Boon or Bane for Malaysia’s Domestic Audience?
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2017/057 - Malaysia Drowns Out ASEAN’s Collective Voice on the Rakhine Issue
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2017/057 - Vietnam’s New Wave of SOE Equitization: Drivers and Implications
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2017/058 - Thailand’s Rebalancing or “Shopping Diplomacy” for Legitimacy?
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2017/059 - President Duterte’s Ordinary Challenge
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2017/059 - The Politics behind Cambodia’s Embrace of China
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2017/060 - Anies Baswedan Takes Top Jakarta Office Amidst Controversy Over Pribumi Comments
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2017/060 - OBOR’s Digital Connectivity Offers Both Benefits and Risks
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2017/061 - Fake News and Increased Persecution in Indonesia
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2017/061 - Transforming Proton: Can Geely Do It and At What Costs?
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2017/062 - APEC Centrality
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2017/062 - Assessing the ASEAN-China Framework for the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea
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2017/063 - Chinese 19th Party Congress Entrenched Xi’s Ambition of Belt and Road Initiative
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2017/063 - Fault Lines – and Common Ground – in Malaysia’s Ethnic Relations and Policies
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2017/064 - What Does Indonesia’s Renaming of Part of the South China Sea Signify?
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2017/065 - End of Marawi Siege Underscores Critical Importance of US-Philippine Alliance
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2017/065 - Ho Chi Minh City’s Urban Transport Challenges
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2017/066 - Aung San Suu Kyi Needs to Take an Inclusive Approach to Conflict Resolution in Rakhine
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2017/066 - “Same-Same but Different” : Laos and Cambodia’s Political Embrace of China
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2017/067 - Trump Changes his Mind on his First EAS Meeting in Asia
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2017/068 - Promoting Growth with Equity : Indonesia’s 2018 Budget
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2017/068 - The ASEAN "Consensus” on Migrant Workers: not Ideal but a Basis to Continue Working
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2017/069 - Setya Novanto Saga Embarrassing and Damaging for Golkar and Jokowi
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2017/069 - Support for Decentralization and Political Islam Go Together in Indonesia
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2017/070 - Australia Puts Southeast Asia at the Centre of Growing US-China Strategic Rivalry
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2017/070 - Indonesia’s Divided Digital Economy
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2017/071 - New Leader to Help Improve Golkar's Popularity
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2017/071 - The Banning of Hizbut Tahrir and the Consolidation of Democracy in Indonesia
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2017/072 - ASEAN Single Window : Advancing Trade Facilitation for Regional Integration
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2017/072 - The US National Security Strategy Sheds Light on how the US Views Southeast Asia
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2017/073 - Chinese Indonesians in the Eyes of the Pribumi Public
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2017/074 - Facebooking to Power : The Social Media Presence of Malaysian Politicians
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2017/075 - The JDT FC (Johor Darul Ta’zim Football Club) and the Success of Bangsa Johor
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2017/076 - RCEP’s Strategic Opportunity
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2017/077 - A New Ideological Contestation Emerging in Indonesia?
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2017/079 - A Background to the Security Crisis in Northern Rakhine
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2017/081 - Southeast Asia Worries over Growing Economic Dependence on China
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2017/082 - Johor Survey 2017 : Johorean Views on Iskandar Malaysia and Investments in Johor
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2017/083 - Johor Survey 2017 : Attitudes Towards Islam, Governance And The Sultan
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2017/084 - Johor Survey 2017 : Views on Identity, Education and the Johor Royal Family
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2017/085 - Singapore Prime Minister’s Visit to Washington DC and America’s Asian Policy
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2017/086 - Making Deals : President Trump’s Visit to Vietnam
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2017/087 - The Trump Administration and Southeast Asia : Enhanced Engagement
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2017/088 - Malaysia’s 2018 Budget : Balancing Short Term Needs and Long Term Imperatives
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2017/089 - Public Perceptions of China in Indonesia : The Indonesia National Survey
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2017/090 - The Rohingya in Bangladesh : Another Round in the Cycle of Exodus and Repatriation?
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2017/092 - Pull and Push : Sino-Vietnamese Relations and President Xi’s Hanoi Visit
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2017/094 - Mixed Signals : Malaysia’s 2018 Federal Budget and Education
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2017/1 - ASEANFocus
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2017/2 - ASEANFocus
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2017/3 - ASEANFocus
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2017/4 - ASEANFocus
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2017/5 - ASEANFocus
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2017/6 - ASEANFocus
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2017/7 - ASEANFocus
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2018 - Trends, Uncertainties, Opportunities
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2018/001 - Myanmar-China Relations in 2018: Enter the Dragon
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2018/001 - Southeast Asia Outlook 2018
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2018/002 - Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail Project : Little Progress, Many Challenges
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2018/002 - PH’s Unprecedented Demonstration of Opposition Unity
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2018/003 - ASEAN's Myanmar Dilemma
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2018/003 - Southeast Asia Receives a Mixed Scorecard from International Piracy Watchdog for 2017
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2018/004 - Jokowi’s Third Cabinet Reshuffle to Bring Closer Alliance with Golkar and the Military
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2018/004 - The Politics of Wages and Indonesia’s Trade Unions
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2018/005 - Golkar's Leadership and the Indonesian President
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2018/005 - US Navy FONOP at Scarborough Shoal Symptom of Growing Sino-US Competition
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2018/006 - Bangladesh is Right to Delay the Repatriation of Rohingya Refugees
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2018/006 - The Further Erosion of an Indonesian Political Taboo
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2018/007 - The Finer Points to Note on the EU Resolution to Ban Palm Oil in Biodiesel
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2018/008 - ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit : Matching “Act East” with Actions?
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2018/008 - RCEP in 2018? - Expectations must be Tempered
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2018/009 - In Response to US FONOP, China Flies Advanced Fighter Jets over the South China Sea
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2018/010 - ASEAN Military Response to Counter-Terrorism
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2018/011 - Chinese Investment in Malaysia : Five Years into the BRI
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2018/011 - Southeast Asia’s Response to Trump’s Economic and Trade Policies
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2018/012 - PAS’ Fate in Kelantan in 2018 : A Repeat of 1978?
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2018/012 - Religious Intolerance Marks the Beginning of the Election Year in Indonesia
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2018/013 - Are Five-Year Development Plans Passé in Malaysia?
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2018/013 - Indonesia between Two Major Powers: US Defense Secretary, Mattis’ Visit
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2018/014 - "Japan-Myanmar Relations: What Will the Dog Year Offer?
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2018/015 - Philippine Trade Surprise
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2018/016 - Duterte’s False Equivalency
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