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2023/023 - The AUKUS announcement and Southeast Asia : an assessment of regional responses and concerns

2023/024 - Using Climate Models to Predict Resilience of Energy Systems in Southeast Asia

2023/024 - What's interesting about the Thai General Election is not who wins but what comes after

2023/025 - Beijing’s Engagement With Myanmar In 2023: Walking A Tight Rope?

2023/025 - Vietnam's social insurance dilemma and workers' precarious conditions

2023/026 - Prospects and weaknesses of the R20 forum on religion launched at the G20 summit in Bali

2023/026 - Southeast Asia Needs a Strong Vision on Climate-Resilient Economy

2023/027 - Digital Labour Platforms Must Provide Philippine Gig Workers a Fair Deal

2023/027 - Key economic challenges ahead of Indonesia's presidential election in 2024

2023/028 - Japan's role in regional security : recalibration and regional reactions

2023/028 - Online Political Campaigning During Malaysia’s GE15: Blurred Lines

2023/029 - Agrivoltaic systems and just energy-agriculture transition in Southeast Asia

2023/029 - PAS and the Midterm Polls: Existential Challenge of Becoming a National Party

2023/03 - ASEANFocus+ - Yoon’s Realignment with the US: Will ASEAN be Relevant for ROK?

2023/030 - Not Yet the End of the World: Tackling Malaysian Muslim Millenarianism in the Age of Social Media

2023/030 - Trendy Indonesian Habib Rides the Waves Online

2023/031 - Keeping Southeast Asia Afloat: Restorative Aquaculture Key to its Food Resilience

2023/031 - Why Did the Mayor of Medan Make Anti-LGBT Statements?

2023/032 - Expressions of Religiosity on Social Media among Muslim Youths in Brunei

2023/032 - State of Southeast Asia Survey 2023: It Takes Three to Tango

2023/033 - Forgiving Without Forgetting: Vietnam’s Peace Diplomacy over South Korean Atrocities in the Vietnam War

2023/033 - Towards Resilient Agricultural Value Chains in the Mekong

2023/034 - Diversity in Malaysia’s Civil Service: From Venting Old Grouses to Seeking New Grounds

2023/034 - Resistance Forces in Myanmar: Changing the State of Play with Weaponised Drones

2023/035 - Myanmar’s “Sham” Election Threatens the 2025 Goals of the Arakan Rebels

2023/035 - Widodo Government Acknowledges Gross Human Rights Violations Happened: The Unstoppable Erosion of a Fundamental Taboo

2023/036 - Washington and Southeast Asia in 2023: How Devolving Power to Line Agencies Might Make a Difference

2023/036 - Why Malaysia’s Unity Government Will (Probably) Survive

2023/037 - Is the US a Serious Competitor to China in the Lower Mekong?

2023/037 - Will the New Financial Omnibus Law Compromise Bank Indonesia’s Independence?

2023/038 - Jokowi’s High Approval Ratings Make Him Potential Kingmaker

2023/038 - The 212 Movement: Lying Low But Up Against the Jokowi Administration

2023/039 - India and Multi-Alignment: Having One’s Cake and Eating It Too

2023/039 - Perak and Islamic Education: PAS’ Gateway to the West Coast

2023/04 - ASEANFocus+ - A Divided ASEAN Cannot Help Myanmar’s People

2023/040 - A Strategic Reset?: The Philippines-United States Alliance under President Marcos Jr.

2023/040 - BrahMos Supersonic Missiles: Poised to Buoy New Delhi’s Arms Exports?

2023/041 - Indonesia Takes the Lead on Myanmar: The Clock is Ticking

2023/041 - Vietnam’s Anti-corruption Campaign: Economic and Political Impacts

2023/042 - Fragmented Digital Regulations are Constraining ASEAN’s Digital Economy

2023/042 - Southeast Asian Views on the United States: Perceptions Versus Objective Reality

2023/043 - Move Forward Party Has Won the Election, but May Lose the Premiership Race

2023/043 - Rebuilding Social Cohesion for Myanmar’s Post-Conflict Future

2023/044 - Southeast Asian Economies: Out of the Storm, Clouds on the Horizon

2023/044 - The Power of Fantasy: Southeast Asians Develop an Obsession with Chinese Xianxia Dramas

2023/045 - Imagining Marcos Jr. as the “Strong Leader” in an Age of Digital Disinformation

2023/045 - Why China Supports the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone

2023/046 - Cambodia-China Free Trade Agreement: A Cambodian Perspective

2023/046 - Southeast Asians Mull Over a Taiwan Conflict: Big Concerns But Limited Choices

2023/047 - Tools for Planning and Mapping a Food-Secure Malaysia

2023/047 - What drives Vietnam’s tightened public sphere?

2023/048 - Current key drivers of ASEAN integration: digital skills and mobilities

2023/048 - Recent Clashes at Chinese Companies in Indonesia Might be Fodder for Political Manipulation

2023/049 - ASEAN’s Agricultural Climate Resilience: Is Strengthening Domestic Production Enough?

2023/049 - Formidable obstacles blocking move forward party leader’s quest for Thai premiership

2023/05 - ASEANFocus+ - Can Indonesia Ensure That ASEAN Remains in the Driver’s Seat?

2023/050 - Nguyen Phu Trong’s Dominance in Vietnamese politics: Far-reaching Implications

2023/050 - Why Perikatan Nasional may win in Selangor

2023/051 - Is ASEAN Centrality on Life Support?

2023/051 - What has China’s lawfare achieved in the South China Sea?

2023/052 - Malaysia’s 2023 state elections (part 1): projections and scenarios

2023/052 - Vietnam’s Accelerated Power Transition: Glad Tidings for Investors and Foreign Partners

2023/053 - How Would Rakhine Figure in Myanmar’s “Sham” Elections?

2023/053 - Rice production and food security in Southeast Asia under threat from El Niño

2023/054 - Ganjar Pranowo’s 2024 Presidential Candidacy: Trapped in the Middle

2023/054 - Singapore – Malaysia economic ties: recovering from COVID-19

2023/055 - Changing perceptions in Laos toward China

2023/055 - Perils and Promise Beneath Global Enthusiasm for Thai Baht

2023/056 - Backing startups and believing in unicorns: policy implications and challenges for Malaysia

2023/056 - Sarawak’s Hydrogen Ambitions Constrained by Global Demand

2023/057 - Indonesia’s appointed leaders and the future of regional elections

2023/057 - Malaysia’s Sulu Problem: Logical Flaws in the Arbitration Process

2023/058 - Governing the digital economy in Thailand: domestic regulations and international agreements

2023/058 - Japan’s Counter-Strike Capabilities: Southeast Asians Should be Circumspect

2023/059 - Anwar’s First 100 Days: Passing Grade but Stern Tests Ahead

2023/059 - From the fringes of defeat: how UMNO president Zahid Hamidi transformed his vulnerability into invincibility

2023/06 - ASEANFocus+ - Is ASEAN Truly for the People?