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2023/234 - Thailand’s New Defence Minister: Keeping the Armed Forces Sweet
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2023/235 - China-Vietnam Party-to-Party Ties: A Tie that Binds
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2023/238 - Perceptions of Energy Transition in Southeast Asia:  Between Hope and Fear
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2023/239 - Hard Truths in the Strategic Conversation between the United States and Southeast Asia
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2023/240 - Johor By-elections: A Cautionary Tale For The Unity Government
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2023/241 - Preventing Indonesia’s “Digitalised” Democracy from Backsliding
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2023/242 - Southeast Asia’s Need to Bridge the Climate Financing Gap
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2023/243 - Breaking the Vicious Cycle of Haze and Climate Change in Southeast Asia
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2023/244 - India’s Expanding Global Influence Has Limited Reach in ASEAN
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2023/246 - Climate Action in Southeast Asia: Lagging Leadership, Passive People
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2023/247 - Children in Myanmar: Caught in the Crossfire
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2023/248 - Hot “Furnace” at Home, Cool Relationships Abroad
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2023/249 - The Implications of the Israel-Gaza Conflict on Indonesia
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2023/250 - Who Decides the Cessation of Violence in Myanmar? A Grinding Battle for Control
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2023/251 - Mainland Chinese Workers in Brunei Darussalam: Living in a Bubble
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2023/252 - ASEAN-GCC Summit: The Need to Keep it Going
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2023/253 - The President and His Political Party: An Impending Collision
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2023/254 - Nguyen Phu Trong’s ‘Bamboo Diplomacy’: Legacy in the Making?
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2023/255 - The Challenge for PAS: Going Mainstream
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2023/257 - Thailand’s Marooned Submarine Deal: Some Questions Need Answers
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2023/258 - Thailand’s Exposure to Northeast Asia’s Slowdowns
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2023/259 - Diversifying from Rice to Alternative Crops in Southeast Asia
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2023/260 - Indonesia’s EV Transformation: A Work in Progress
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2023/261 - China-U.S. High-Level Dialogues: A Welcome Uptick but a Long Road Ahead
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2023/262 - China’s Belt and Road Forum: Pressing Ahead Without the West
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2023/263 - Can Vietnam Reach Its Offshore Wind Power Goals?
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2023/264 - Saving Myanmar’s Post-coup Economy: Strategic and Pragmatic Solutions
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2023/265 - Strengthening Cyber Resilience in Southeast Asia
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2023/266 - Out of the “Elektabilitas” Mire Comes the Push for Dynastic Power
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2023/267 - Russia’s Memory Diplomacy is Paying Dividends in Southeast Asia
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2023/268 - Vietnam’s Rare Earth Ambitions: Economic and Strategic Drivers
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2023/269 - Impact of Gaza Crisis on China’s Interests in the Middle East and Asia-Pacific
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2023/270 - The Race is On! Indonesia’s 2024 Presidential Candidates Assessed
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2023/271 - PAS’s Long-Term Play Is to Go Its Own Way
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2023/272 - Common Goal for Myanmar’s Warring Groups: Currying Favour With China
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2023/273 - Myanmar’s Recent Crackdowns on Corruption: Law Enforcement or Reputation Repair?
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2023/274 - The Philippines-Japan Security Relationship: A New Golden Age?
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2023/275 - Myanmar Military Losing Control: A Culmination of Past Policy Errors?
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2023/277 - Turning the Tide: Vietnam’s War Against Plastic Waste
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2023/278 - The Puzzle of Rodrigo Duterte’s Popularity during the Covid-19 Pandemic
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2023/279 - Anwar’s First Year: Performative and Underperforming
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2023/280 - Time to Collect: The SAC’s Actions Come to Bite Myanmar’s Economy
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2023/281 - Thailand’s Carbon Offset Policies May Undermine Climate Action
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2023/282 - Peace and Friendship-2023: Will It Reduce China’s Trust Deficit?
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2023/283 - Structural Transformation for Inclusive Growth in Cambodia
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2023/284 - A Green Industrial Policy for Indonesia
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2023/285 - Asia-Based Regional Banks’ Growing Footprint in Indonesia
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2023/286 - Wars in Europe and Middle East Can affect East Asian Power Balance
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2023/287 - Ringfencing the Islamic Cause? Muslim Youth and Philanthropy in Indonesia
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2023/289 - October Offensive by Resistance Forces Exposes Gaps in Myanmar Military
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2023/290 - PAS’ Prime Minister Candidate: Great Expectations
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2023/292 - Mandarin Learning in Brunei’s Chinese Schools: Practical Considerations
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2023/293 - Late to the Party: Vietnam and the Belt and Road Initiative
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2023/294 - A Tale of Two (or More) Prime Ministers
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2023/295 - Carbon Border Adjustment, Trade and Climate Change: Emerging Issues at COP28
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2023/296 - The First Debate Unveils the Character of Indonesia’s 2024 Presidential Campaign
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2023/298 - Xi Jinping in Hanoi: Courting for a Common Destiny?
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2023/299 - ASEAN-Japan Relations at 50: Taking a Harder Edge
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2023/300 - The Postings of My Father: Tradeoff Between Privacy and Misinformation
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2023/301 - Malaysia’s Identity Politics Will Perpetuate Exclusivity If Left Unchecked
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2023/302 - Road to Carbon Zero in Southeast Asia: Spur Innovation and Price Carbon
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2024 - Trust and Power in Pivotal Times
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2024/001 - China’s digital silk road (DSR) in Southeast Asia: progress and challenges
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2024/002 - The Unexpected Twist in Vietnam’s Renewable Energy Saga
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2024/003 - China’s “Community of Shared Future” with Southeast Asia: Behind the Numbers
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2024/003 - Chinese language education in Southeast Asia: towards greater significance
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2024/004 - Thailand awaits momentous changes in the first two months of this new year
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2024/004 - Zulkifli Hasan as Malaysia’s New Deputy Religious Affairs Minister: An Analysis
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2024/005 - Seeing the National in Gaming and Esports in Southeast Asia
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2024/006 - Malaysia’s  “Dubai Move”: Nothing to See Here, For Now
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2024/007 - ASEAN Economies in the Tech Supply Chain Sweet Spot?
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2024/007 - Mohd Na’im Mokhtar: business as usual in JAKIM?
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2024/008 - Understanding Indonesia’s 2024 presidential elections: a new polarisation evolving
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2024/008 - Will the “China Factor” Become an Election Issue in Indonesia?
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2024/009 - Advancing the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific beyond Indonesia’s chairmanship
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2024/009 - Malaysia and ASEAN in 2024: Facing Challenges with Focus and Strength
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2024/010 - Cultivating the Future: Empowering Young Farmers in Southeast Asia
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2024/010 - Vietnam-U.S. security cooperation prospects under the comprehensive strategic partnership
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2024/012 - Making the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone Work
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2024/013 - Yok’s case and Thailand’s Treatment of Child Activists
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2024/014 - The Kra Land Bridge: Thailand’s White Elephant Comes Charging Back
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