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2023/135 - Lost in Translation: Decoding Populism in Thailand’s 2023 Elections
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2023/136 - Taiwan Contingencies and Southeast Asia: Scenarios in the Gray Zone
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2023/137 - Prabowo’s Shifting Strategy on Indonesian Muslim Voters
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2023/138 - Why Should We Care about Older Filipino Migrants?
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2023/139 - The Five Power Defence Arrangements: How to Sail Past Fifty
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2023/140 - Indonesian Youth Need to Up Climate Game for the 2024 Elections
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2023/141 - Navigating Electricity Reform in Vietnam
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2023/142 - Saying “No” to Businesses Financing the Junta: Strategic Public Activism in Myanmar
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2023/143 - Malaysia’s Democracy in the Shadow of Hegemonic Rule
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2023/144 - Is Malaysia’s “Green Wave” More a Tsunami of Disconten
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2023/146 - A Reflection on Thai Politics
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2023/147 - Transparent Content Moderation the Key to Responsible Political Discourse
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2023/148 - Debunking the Myths of Malaysia’s “Green Wave” in GE15
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2023/149 - Disaster Relief Dysfunction in Myanmar
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2023/150 - Pilgrimage, Piety, and Politics: “Haji” Presidents in Indonesia
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2023/151 - Recalibrating Vietnam’s Electricity Cooperation with Laos
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2023/152 - Time to Tackle Illegal Foreign Businesses in ThailandSivarin Lertpusit
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2023/153 - Malaysia’s 2023 State Elections: So Much Fuss For So Little Work
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2023/154 - An ‘Islamic Lifestyle’: When Piety Meets Consumerism?
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2023/155 - What’s the Matter with MUDA – is it Moody or just Misunderstood?
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2023/157 - From Likes to Lies: Disinformation in the Philippines and Thailand
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2023/158 - Quad-lite Makes Right?
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2023/159 - Indonesia Looks East: Widodo’s Engagement with Australia and Papua New Guinea
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2023/160 - How the Nine-Dash Line Undermines China’s Economic Interests in Vietnam
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2023/161 - NATO Expansion Does Not Justify Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine
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2023/162 - Middle-Power Diplomacy: Decoding Vietnam’s Recent Diplomatic Endeavours
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2023/163 - Pita (and the People) Versus the Powers that Be
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2023/164 - Jokowi’s Manoeuvres in Defiance of Megawati Aimed at Consolidating Future Position
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2023/165 - The Code of Conduct for the South China Sea: Movement in lieu of Progress
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2023/166 - Vietnam’s Suspension of Online Magazine: When Even the Compliant Are Not Safe
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2023/167 - Why Cambodia Should Hedge by Engaging India More
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2023/168 - Jokowi’s (Worst) Reshuffle: A Loss for the Country But Does He Gain?
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2023/169 - Promoting Local Business for Marawi’s Rehabilitation and Peace
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2023/170 - Vietnam and Singapore: Chicken Rice, Apom, Milk Tea and a Shared Strategic Outlook
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2023/171 - The G7’s Climate Club: ASEAN Need Not Have High Expectations
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2023/172 - Can Indonesia Escape the Middle Income Trap?
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2023/174 - The State Administration Council and Aung San Suu Kyi: The Lady is Not for Turning?
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2023/175 - Anwar Ibrahim Welcomes Abdul Somad to Putrajaya: What Gives?
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2023/176 - Is Indonesia’s Al-Zaytun Islamic Boarding School Facing an Existential Threat?
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2023/177 - Will UMNO’s Mutant Electoral Map Bite Pakatan Harapan?
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2023/178 - Sanusi’s Bully Pulpit Populism: Boon or Bane?
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2023/179 - Wan Nor: Hero from the Deep South but Not the Saviour of Thai Democracy
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2023/181 - The Unity Government: Preventing a Partial Victory in the Polls
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2023/182 - The Untapped Potential of Carbon Credit Trading in ASEAN
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2023/183 - Negeri Sembilan State Election: A Safe Bet for Anwar Administration?
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2023/184 - A Material Election: Will Malaysians Vote with Their Wallets?
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2023/185 - Will Anwar’s “Madani Economy” Narrative Strengthen His Economic Leadership?
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2023/187 - Populism, Pietism and Pragmatism in the Kedah State Election
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2023/188 - Perikatan Nasional Lacks A Game-changing Chief in Negeri Sembilan
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2023/189 - Will Putin Visit Vietnam After Biden? Odds Are Against It
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2023/190 - Global Minimum Tax: Boon or Bane for Vietnam’s Economy?
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2023/191 - Malaysia’s State Elections: When “Referendum” Takes Precedence over Reformasi
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2023/193 - Ganjar Pranowo’s Running Mate: What’s in PDI-P’s Playbook?
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2023/194 - On the Horns of Anwar’s Twin Dilemmas
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2023/196 - Malaysia’s State Elections: Surprisingly Unremarkable
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2023/198 - Thaksin’s Machinations and Overturning the People’s Mandate
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2023/199 - Anwar’s Sidestepping Ethnic Policies: Not a Way to Gain Ground
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2023/2 - ASEANFocus
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2023/200 - The Significance of President Joko Widodo’s 2024 Budget Address
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2023/201 - Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: When Rhetoric Extends Beyond Reach
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2023/202 - Enhancing U.S. Influence In Southeast Asia: Proof is in The Pudding
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2023/203 - The Race for Critical Minerals in Malaysia: Upstream, Mid-Stream, or Downstream?
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2023/206 - Biden Skips Jakarta: When (Not) Showing Up Speaks Volumes
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2023/207 - Are Indonesian Banks Resilient Amidst Rising Interest Rates?
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2023/208 - Why Hanoi May Agree to a Vietnam-U.S. Comprehensive Strategic Partnership
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2023/209 - Pheu Thai’s New Coalition Betrays the Faith of Voters
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2023/210 - Anwar’s Tried and Failed Strategy to Woo Malay Voters
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2023/211 - Elites vs Citizens: How Singapore and Indonesia are Divided on China
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2023/212 - Meatball Soup on Instagram: (Not) Making a Mountain Out of a Molehill
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2023/213 - Reflections on China’s Latest Global Civilisation Agenda
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2023/214 - Barisan Nasional and FELDA: A Depleted “Fixed Deposit”
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2023/215 - China’s Claim on the South China Sea: How Many Dashes Make a Line?
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2023/217 - PAS’ Over-confidence Might Be Its Undoing
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2023/218 - China’s Military Exercises in Southeast Asia Belie Lack of Trust
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2023/219 - Muhaimin Iskandar’s Vice-Presidential Candidacy and Nahdlatul Ulama
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2023/220 - Malaysia’s New Industrial Master Plan: Clear-Eyed on Implementation
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2023/221 - Prabowo as Defence Minister: From Problematic Purchases to Provocative Proposals
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2023/222 - Thailand’s Elite Reconfiguration: Old Wine in New Bottles
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2023/224 - Does ASEAN Matter for Myanmar?
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2023/225 - Vietnam and Washington’s “De-risking” Strategy: It’s the Economy, Stupid
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2023/226 - Climate Resilience in Southeast Asia: Adapt and Mitigate Before It’s Too Late
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2023/227 - Why Has Batam’s Rempang Eco-City National Project Become a Controversy?
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2023/228 - The Urgent Need to Rejuvenate Public Green Spaces in Jakarta
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2023/229 - Anwar’s Unity Government: Striding Forward or Just Moonwalking?
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2023/230 - The Ba‘Alawi of Indonesia: Genealogy and Identity
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2023/232 - Biden Administration and Southeast Asia: Realpolitik the Name of the Game
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2023/233 - PAS Needs More Than a Mahathir
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