My search results from SEALionPLUS

Explore all content

Explore the content of this site using the filters below to display different categories of information – Item Types, and their sub categories.
When you are looking for specific items of interest, use the search tools; enter keywords in the basic search on the landing page or in the header, or the Search page where you can enter keywords and define search parameters.

Use the filters to explore the content.

0 filters applied

Uncheck All / Check All

download Download

Compare

Display as:

Added Most Recently
Earliest Items
Title A-Z
Title Z-A
Priority Sort

of 100

Skip to search block

Add or Restrict Keywords

Use these options to add or remove words from your search:

AND - the term must be included in any item returned.

OR - the term may be included in any item returned, but does not have to be present. Always relates to the previous keyword/s.
*Cannot follow after NOT.

NOT - the term must not be included in any item returned. Always refers only to this keyword.
*Cannot be followed by OR

To remove a keyword – click X.

To return to your original search terms – click Clear.

Update search

Clear

Contact Us

ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute

Library

30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace

Singapore 119614

Tel: +65 68702439

Email: libcir@iseas.edu.sg

About Us

Disclaimers

ISEAS Privacy Statement

Report Vulnerability

Menu

Explore all content

Filter by

2023/071 - Partnering with ASEAN to Promote Peace in Myanmar

2023/071 - Review of foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to Southeast Asia in August 2023

2023/072 - Responses to humanitarian needs in Western Myanmar after cyclone Mocha

2023/072 - Vietnam Media Hailed Ke Huy Quan’s Oscar Win — Until Online Propagandists Pounced

2023/073 - China’s Brokering of Iran-Saudi Rapprochement Signals Global Security Initiative Is Working

2023/073 - Vote-buying and Islamic politics in Thailand's deep south

2023/074 - Are the National Unity Government’s responsible investment policies fit for purpose?

2023/074 - Repurposing Fuel Subsidy to Facilitate Malaysia’s Shift to Electric Vehicles

2023/075 - UMNO’s Zahid – A Formidable Yet Flawed Political Operator

2023/075 - What can we expect of Indonesia’s PDP law?

2023/076 - Anwar Ibrahim’s Visit to Saudi Arabia: Is His Foot in the Door?

2023/076 - Maintaining ASEAN’s leverage in a volatile trade policy landscape

2023/077 - New Thai PM faces a crisis of confidence

2023/077 - Unsportsmanlike Behaviour: Protests in Indonesia Against Israeli U-20 Footballers

2023/078 - Anwar Ibrahim’s Unity Government May Write a New Chapter for Malaysia-Singapore Relations

2023/078 - The digital transformation of Indonesia's banking sector: current trends and future prospects

2023/079 - Selangor’s 2023 state election: Pakatan-BN’s defense, Perikatan’s breakthrough

2023/079 - Why is the U.S.-Thai Alliance Treading Water?

2023/08 - ASEANFocus+ - ROK’s Ambitions in the Indo-Pacific: A Boon or Bane for ASEAN?

2023/080 - Marcos Jr. and the Dangers of Virtual Hypermasculinity

2023/080 - Virtue and violence: revealing the nexus between political and domestic violence in Thailand's deep south

2023/081 - Malls and Mosques: The Sights and Sounds of Indonesia’s Iftar

2023/081 - The critical role of electric vehicles in Malaysia's new industrial master plan (NIMP 2030)

2023/082 - Political Dealmaking Will Determine the Winner and Twist Policy Outcomes in Thailand’s Election

2023/082 - Vietnam seeks intimate ties with Cambodia and Laos

2023/083 - Civilian control of those close to the palace: making sense of Thailand's October 2023 military and police reshuffles

2023/083 - PDI-P’s Own Goal? Controversy over Indonesia’s Loss as U-20 FIFA World Cup Host

2023/084 - Political polarisation marked Malaysia's recent state elections

2023/084 - The Curious Case of Cagayan: Localisation of U.S.-China Rivalry in the Philippines

2023/085 - Abdul Hadi Awang enhances his power as PAS president and drives the party to the far-right

2023/085 - Indonesia 2024: Coalition Manoeuvres Heading for A Single Presidential Candidate?

2023/086 - If At First You Don’t Succeed: Australia Woos the Indo-Pacific on AUKUS

2023/086 - The dilemma of political involvement among Muslim theologians in Indonesia

2023/087 - Can Piety be Classy? Symbols and Societal Tensions Underlying “Branded” Hijabs

2023/087 - Continuity and change: the limits of Malaysia's green wave from a four arenas perspective

2023/088 - How far will PAS deviate from the Ulama leadership model, and why does it matter?

2023/088 - Short-Term Pain for Long-Term Gain: Tax Reforms for Timor-Leste’s Trade Integration with ASEAN

2023/089 - Anwar’s Coalition Government: Navigating Tricky Undercurrents

2023/089 - From political Islam to Islamic lifestyles: the changing public face of Islam in Indonesia

2023/09 - ASEANFocus+ - Is Laos Able to Make a Difference in the Myanmar Crisis?

2023/090 - National Mandate Party (PAN)’s Tough Choice for 2024

2023/090 - Negeri Sembilan emerges as PH-BN’s steadiest stronghold

2023/091 - Anies Baswedan and the Elusive Endorsement of Nahdlatul Ulama

2023/091 - The challenge of “halal lifestyle” and occupational preferences in Indonesia

2023/092 - Myanmar-Russia relations since the coup: an ever tighter embrace

2023/092 - Why ASEAN Appreciates Japan’s Nuanced Approach to Regional Order

2023/093 - Fertiliser Security for Food Security in Southeast Asia: Going Local and Circular

2023/093 - The August poll in Penang: a perspective on Pakatan, its partners and its prospects

2023/094 - From Duterte’s “Pivot to China” to Marcos Jr.’s “Rebalance to the U.S.”?

2023/094 - UMNO’s prospects: oblivion, survival or recovery

2023/095 - Thailand’s Right-Wing Parties: Keeping Democracy Close But Its Enemies Closer

2023/095 - The Prabowo-Gibran pairing: wise or foolish?

2023/096 - Making Sense of Cambodia’s Reaction to AUKUS

2023/096 - Vietnam’s quest for enhanced maritime domain awareness

2023/097 - Malaysia’s return to mining: redeveloping rare earth elements (REE)

2023/097 - Same Moon, Different Dates for Hari Raya (Again!)

2023/098 - Insufficient states: revisiting the roles and resources of Malaysia's subnational governments

2023/098 - Why China is Vexed About the U.S.-Philippine EDCA

2023/099 - Collaboration between Pheu Thai and Move Forward Parties on their core issues will determine Thailand’s future

2023/099 - Indonesia’s Potential Presidential Candidates and Two Superpowers

2023/1 - ASEANFocus

2023/10 - ASEANFocus+ - Digging Deeper with DEFA

2023/100 - Managing the debts of state-owned enterprises: case studies of Indonesia's BUMN Karya

2023/100 - U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Ready for a Strategic Partnership Upgrade?

2023/101 - Is the Sun Shining on Vietnam-US Relations?

2023/101 - Reviewing China’s elite-centric approach in its relations with Cambodia

2023/102 - Mosques Using YouTube in Indonesia: A Sustainable Symbiosis

2023/103 - Thailand’s Lèse-majesté Law: A Subtle Referendum in the Upcoming Elections?

2023/104 - Policy Lessons from the Cancellation of Indonesia’s Host Rights for the FIFA U-20 World Cup

2023/105 - Where to Grow From Here? MUDA’s Struggles in Muar, and Beyond

2023/106 - China’s “Model” Relationship with Southeast Asia: Significance and Limitations

2023/107 - PDI-P Nominates Ganjar Pranowo as Its Presidential Candidate: What’s Next?

2023/108 - The Global Civilisation Initiative: Are ‘Asian Values’ Back with a Chinese Vengeance?

2023/109 - Thailand’s Policy Towards A Post-Coup Myanmar

2023/11 - ASEANFocus+ - Laos as ASEAN Chair: Flying into Headwinds

2023/110 - Why China Should Learn To Live With U.S.-Philippine EDCA

2023/111 - Move Forward’s Gains Spurring Pheu Thai to Deal With Auld Enemy